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Across the continent of Africa, a web of laws silenced African speech. On the eve of World War II, a small, impoverished group of Africans and West Indians in London dared to imagine the end of British rule in Africa. Printing gave oppositions a voice, initially through broadsheets, tracts, pamphlets, later through books and articles. The group launched an anti-colonial campaign that used publishing as a pathway to liberation. These writers included West Indians George Padmore, C. L. R. James, and Ras Makonnen, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta and Sierra Leone's I. T. A. Wallace Johnson. They formed a part of International African Service Bureau (IASB), and the communists saw them as "generals without an army, they have no base and must depend on their pens". Padmore saw 'trusteeship' as a concept invoked as far back as the late nineteenth-century conferences that divided up Africa. Pan-Africa, a monthly periodical T. Ras Makonnen put out, reported that Richard Wright urged his listeners to form an international network of 'cultured progressives'. Labour-powered nationalism was to Padmore more than a drive for self-government. With the Gold Coast political ground so unsettled, neither Nkrumah nor the Convention People's Party (CPP) made Wright privy to their operations. Inspired by the movement for self-government in British West African colonies, French radicals like Leopold Senghor were rebelling against French political control. In 1969, when a small American publisher reissued A History of Pan-African Revolt , James added to it an epilogue explaining the 'rapid decline of African nationalism'.
movements which have arisen among black folk independent of the C[ommunist] P[arty]’. 1 The notion that communists initiated ‘every manifestation of political awakening in Africa’ was ‘gross hypocrisy’, 2 he said in his introduction, then rolled out a history of African nationalism, from the establishment of Sierra Leone and Liberia through Garvey’s Black Zionism, the Pan-African congresses organised by W
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
French Africans or African Frenchmen. Similarly, the psychology of African nationalism in response to Belgian colonialism can be seen in portions of the speech by Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba at the Congolese independence ceremonies: We have known the mockery, the insults, the blows submitted to us morning, noon and night because we were ‘nègres’ … We have known the law was never the same, whether dealing with a White or a Negro; that it was accommodating for the one, cruel and
Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
a communal ethos, and was a common thread in African discourse. Communalism represented a free adherence to a social programme informed by a moral ideal. The Négritude Debate Senghor often highlighted the dual character of African nationalism: not only protest and political activity as a challenge to colonial institutions and a claim to legitimacy, but the cultural propositions of nationalism. This is the framework of the African Renaissance: a movement of reconstruction
Pan-African Ethos Appiah is profoundly concerned with the emphasis on race as a premise of Pan-Africanism because he believes this approach panders to, and affirms, a kind of African nationalism that is potent with racism. He argues, “If we are to escape from racism fully, and from the racialism it presupposes, we must seek other bases for Pan-African solidarity.” 7 From that perspective, he suggests that our shared humanity is a more reliable basis for common action, evoking a vision of the African Union without a negro race. Appiah
of decolonisation and African nationalism in different ways, in the process exposing their various approaches to post-colonial development and security. To the US, the Congo had shown how efforts to perpetuate old colonial networks actually served to destabilise newly independent regimes as it 201 Conclusion 201 drew accusations of neo-colonialism from other states. But the American preference for directly influencing African politics in order to foster the creation of Western- friendly Governments, to Britain and Belgium, constituted a heavy-handed role
not he was at Bandung) can tell us about the global force that I refer to here as the Third World political project – that is, the coordinated, anti-imperial and non-aligned, internationalist endeavour with which Bandung is routinely associated. 5 The analytical tool ‘exceptional normal’ is key to this intervention. Fellow activist Simon Zukas described Sipalo as ‘just an African radical’. 6 His comment evokes a broader history of African nationalism in the context of Third Worldism and global
time, he was beginning to appear in works of literature, again invariably Janus-like, facing both ways. 6 This phenomenon was to continue into modern times. But another extraordinary transformation was about to take place. He became a patron saint of African nationalism. The most celebrated exponent of this view was the first President of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda, who hailed him as the