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This collection of lively biographical essays examines historical and contemporary Pan-Africanism as an ideology of emancipation and unity. The volume covers thirty-six major figures, including well-known Pan-Africanists such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Amy Ashwood Garvey, C.L.R. James, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Steve Biko, and Thabo Mbeki, as well as popular figures not typically identified with mainstream Pan-Africanism such as Maya Angelou, Mariama Bâ, Buchi Emecheta, Miriam Makeba, Ruth First, Wangari Maathai, Wole Soyinka, Derek Walcott, V.Y. Mudimbe, Léopold Senghor, Malcolm X, Bob Marley, and Fela Anikulapo-Kuti. The book explores the history and pioneers of the movement; the quest for reparations; politicians; poets; activists; as well as Pan-Africanism in the social sciences, philosophy, literature, and its musical activists. With contributions from a diverse and prominent group of African, Caribbean, and African-American scholars, The Pan-African Pantheon is a comprehensive and diverse introductory reader for specialists and general readers alike.
Writing violence, security and the geopolitical imaginary
period saw Africanpolitical demands for reform, liberty or independence often meeting with force and
violence. While the wars of Indochina and Algeria are well known, the massacres
of tens of thousands by the colonial armies at Sétif (1945), Haiphong (1946),
Casablanca (1947), and Madagascar (1947/48) are frequently forgotten as the
context of what has often been represented as the ‘successful’ decolonisation of
Francophone sub-Saharan Africa.
This chapter seeks to understand the continuity of Franco-African security
relations since decolonisation. It is argued that
Last chance for a French African ‘empire-state’ or blueprint for decolonisation?
dependency theory, scholars such as
Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch (1988) and Jean Suret-Canale (1998) pointed
to the ‘influence of the great capitalist entrepreneurs with African interests’,
although for Alexander Keese these authors ‘have never managed to put forward
any convincing source material’ (Keese 2003: 34). Tony Chafer has placed the
Loi-Cadre within the wider context of an ‘emerging convergence of interests
between French governing élites and Africanpolitical leaders for the transfer of
power to Africans’; these shared interests included the ‘defeat of the
both within the civil service and within private industry. 5 The post-independence
period saw a number of whites take on prominent roles within the
political or judicial spheres, often as members of Africanpolitical
parties. 6 One way
in which the role of stayers on can be assessed is to read the extensive
Africanisation literature ‘backwards’ – that is to
say, reading it as the decline in
permanently with their families in towns in order to
absorb ‘surplus labour’ from the reserves, while at the same
time, working with Africanpolitical authorities to
‘re-invent’ rural African society in order to preserve the
Perhaps the most contradictory regime of all, however,
was Portugal’s Estado Novo which, as Aráujo and Vasile argue,
developed a deeply ambiguous set
and professional-political are blurred in ways which are difficult for
newcomers to detect. Who one is in local political terms translates into
demonstrable understanding of the culture of a particular place, including its history and identity, its social fabric and its modes of relating (i.e.
the stuff of habitus). In short, local candidates must demonstrate nativeness; a condition diametrically opposed to that of newcomers.
These difficulties aside, it is important to note that Africanpolitical
candidates in the study by Fanning et al. (2009) also expressed
This chapter outlines the key role played by decolonisation, the ends of empire, and the emergence of independent Africa in shaping Ireland's post-war identity. Missionary links fostered an interest in, and a sense of responsibility towards, Africa, and connected Irish actions with African nationalist aspirations. An official emphasis on the shared legacies of empire created a self-defined post-colonial identity for the state. This chapter links these nation-level currents of debate with an evolving international narrative in which circumstances allowed the ‘fire brigade’ states a disproportionately forward role in international politics. It shows how involvement in debates on African decolonisation at the UN allowed those states to marry national values with the assertion of diplomatic independence. It identifies an important shift between the imperial and post-imperial eras: as Africa's political status changed, the ‘fire brigade’ states adapted accordingly, not least by re-directing their focus to the field of foreign aid. In the midst of those changes this chapter explores a theme that is at the heart of this book: the marriage of idealism, pragmatism, national concerns and international trends that shaped small state identities in the Cold War.
Pan-African Philosopher of Democracy and Development
L. Adele Jinadu
Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia) and West Africa (Ghana, Guinea and Mali), he offered a reinterpretation of the roots of African nationalism beyond the conventional focus on Westerneducated nationalist leaders, to focus on local revolts and uprisings – “incipient nationalisms”. 7 At the same time his experiences were critical to his characterisation and analysis of emergent contradictions within the African state, within the nationalist movements, and within the Africanpolitical class and Africanpolitical parties, and in his prescriptions for moving
academe to become an increasingly significant
issue in contemporary Africanpolitics, there is widespread
recognition of the need to locate any electoral system in
a wider historical and institutional context. For instance,
both theoretical and empirical work has concluded that the
combination of a PR electoral system with a parliamentary,
rather than a presidential, form of government is most likely
to enhance the prospects for democracy in Africa (Southall
1999). Meanwhile Darnolf (1997) ascribes the presence
of a democratic culture in Botswana and its absence in