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Mordechai Tamarkin

This chapter seeks to examine the role of the Cape, and the Cape Afrikaners in particular, in the historical trajectory which led South Africa and Britain from the Jameson Raid to the South African War. There was a large measure of political convergence between the Cape Colony and the Cape Afrikaners. Since 1884 the Afrikaner Bond, the party representing

in The South African War reappraised
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Languages of colonial conflict after 1900

Stirring language and appeals to collective action were integral to the battles fought to defend empires and to destroy them. These wars of words used rhetoric to make their case. This book explores the arguments fought over empire in a wide variety of geographic, political, social and cultural contexts. Essays range from imperialism in the early 1900s, to the rhetorical battles surrounding European decolonization in the late twentieth century. Rhetoric is one of the weapons of war. Conquest was humiliating for Afrikaners but they regained a degree of sovereignty, with the granting of responsible government to the new colonies in 1907 and independence with the Act of Union of 1910. Liberal rhetoric on the Transvaal Crisis was thus neither an isolated debate nor simply the projection of existing political concerns onto an episode of imperial emergency. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's principles of intervention in response to crimes against civilization, constituted a second corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. The rhetorical use of anti-imperial demonology was useful in building support for New Deal legislation. The book argues that rhetoric set out to portray the events at Mers el-Kebir within a culturally motivated framework, drawing on socially accepted 'truths' such as historic greatness and broad themes of hope. Now, over 175 years of monarchical presence in New Zealand the loyalty may be in question, devotion scoffed, the sycophantic language more demure and colloquialized, the medium of expression revolutionized and deformalized, but still the rhetoric of the realm remains in New Zealand.

Afrikaner civil religion and racial paternalism
Ivan Evans

6 “The weakness of some …”: Afrikaner civil religion and racial paternalism For white Protestants in the New South, the lineage through which racial violence descended did not begin with slavery but with the theology of Atonement-through-punishment. Southern Protestantism embraced the image of “God as Supreme Hangman” but concentrated his cleansing firepower on the “black-beast rapist.”1 Especially for poor whites, the virtue of this theological orientation was that it potentially transformed every white man into a rope-carrying footsoldier of Christ. In sharp

in Cultures of Violence
Iain R. Smith

, were also more important factors. Thus, the attitudes and activities of white males, of various kinds and in very different situations, form a more important focus of attention than those of the African population for historians interested in explaining why the war came about. For most of the Afrikaners who wrote about the origins of this war until the 1970s (whether they wrote in

in The South African War reappraised
Salutations from a Dutch queen’s supporters in a British South Africa
Susie Protschky

-descended peoples in the contested imperium of South Africa. Conflict between British and Afrikaner settlers continued for decades after the battle for territorial sovereignty was determined in favour of the British in 1902. Analysing the text and images of oorkonden to Wilhelmina reveals how narratives of struggle for cultural and political supremacy between white settlers imbued even the stylised, relatively

in Crowns and colonies
Settler pasts and racial identities in the Garment Workers’ Union, 1938-52
Leslie Witz

commemorated the movement of farmers from the coastal plains to the highveld, cast as an odyssey of the pre-ordained founding of the ‘Afrikaner nation’ and labelled the ‘Great Trek’; and the 1952 tercentenary festival which transformed the 1652 arrival at the Cape of Jan van Riebeeck, a commander of the Dutch East India Company with the task of setting up a revictualling station, into the originating moment of European settlement and South African history. The focus is primarily on this latter occasion, in which the ‘white race’ was

in Rethinking settler colonialism
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Not just a ‘teatime war’
Donal Lowry

native policy to cover the two former republics, the Cape Colony and Natal. Milner’s attempts to anglicise South Africa through British immigration and the educational system failed, however, and Afrikaner political power recovered far more quickly than the British anticipated, spurred on not least by the issue of Chinese labour. In an exercise of hard-headed mutual self-interest disguised

in The South African War reappraised
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The Voortrekker Monument and Freedom Park
Yvette Hutchison

at moments of political crisis or transition, specific narratives of history, from particular cultural perspectives, have been performed in public spaces to define national identities. It begins by looking at how South Africa narrated and performed itself in the 1910 South African Pageant of Union. It then explores how the Afrikaner struggle for independence and nationhood was facilitated through particular commemorations of the Battle of Blood/Ncome River to establish symbols and myths, drawing on their history from the nineteenth century, and conceptualising

in South African performance and archives of memory
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Police, people and social control in Cape Town
Bill Nasson

Cape boy has a strain of European blood, he gets almost all the privileges of the white man, including a parliamentary vote. Now Transvaal ... holds other ideas. 1 With these bluff words an Irish police sergeant named Maloney reportedly pointed out to a rural Afrikaner service recruit called Venter why the social experience and

in Policing the empire
American segregationists and international racism after civil rights
Zoe Hyman

Quebec, and white homelands in South Africa. At the beginning of the 1970s, the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs (SABRA), a think tank formed by “total apartheid” proponents at Stellenbosch University in 1948, was turning the apartheid policy of black homelands on its head and considering the future prospect of white Afrikaner homelands, or what outgoing chairman and university professor G. Viljoen called “operation Israel”. 61 By 1980, SABRA was pressing ahead with plans for a “racially pure” white homeland in the middle of South Africa to be called Orania

in Global white nationalism