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, track, quantify and monitor the physical bodies of populations affected by disaster and conflict, although these populations have little say or control over them ( Lupton, 2015 ). Humanitarian technology has become a field of considerable scholarly interest, and this raises many issues with respect to the ‘do no harm’ aspect of humanitarian aid ( Sandvik et al. , 2017 ), what it means to be neutral ( Sandvik et al. , 2014 ), the proper role and relevance
5 Aiding and abetting: priests involved in the IRA campaign As Volunteers on the run began to form flying columns from the spring of 1920 onwards and as the British government started to deploy Black and Tans and Auxiliaries to aid the hard-pressed RIC, violence escalated in certain parts of the country. For priests in areas where local Volunteers remained impervious to this process of radicalisation, things remained much the same. In these areas, the connections between the clergy and the republican movement described in Chapter 4 continued as before. But in
5 Charity and mutual aid: the pillars of English associations In late 1867 and early 1868 Maria Ray, a London-born tailoress thirtythree years of age, was a frequent visitor at the office of the Toronto St George’s Society. As the Society’s records reveal, Maria’s husband, George, had left her a couple of years earlier, and her two children, a fiveyear-old girl and a boy aged two, were both sick. Maria was struggling to make ends meet. The Toronto St George’s Society provided some temporary respite for her in the form of small cash payments. In several months
4 The aid war and reassessment Throughout the course of 1955, while the OCB were formulating the 1290-d measures to attack the ‘communist apparatus’ in developing areas and thereby address the threat of political subversion, Eisenhower and his advisers grew increasingly concerned with a recent and pronounced shift in Moscow’s foreign economic policy. In a marked departure from the policies of the Stalin era, the USSR had opened trade and aid relationships with the nations of the developing world. By the end of that year, Washington had declared these new Soviet
Korean leader Kim Jong Un in Singapore. In 2019, Trump and Kim met again in Hanoi, and with ROK President Moon Jae-in at the Demilitarised Zone (DMZ), but these summits and meetings have not resulted in significant, concrete changes to the situation on the Korean peninsula. Moon met with Kim three times in 2018, resulting in increased inter-Korean cooperation including in the areas of sport, management of the DMZ, and transport. In 2019, Seoul channelled US$10 million in funding for humanitarian aid through UN bodies, including US$5.5 million to the World Food
Introduction Every year, dozens of national and international aid workers are kidnapped. Like governments and companies, most humanitarian organisations handle these events with the utmost secrecy. While Médecins sans Frontières (MSF), for example, publicly confirmed the abduction and release of staff members kidnapped in Kenya in 2011 and Syria in 2014, 1 the organisation made no effort to mobilise public opinion as a way to gain their
Many expressed their intention of caring for sick and wounded British troops. One society lady, on being fitted for her Red Cross uniform, insisted she be made to ‘look effective on a battlefield’. 2 Apocryphal or not, such stories of vanity and meddlesome social influence abounded. Hobhouse, therefore, was not alone in her effort to transfer voluntary aid from Britain to South
. It has been argued that the conflict may actually have been an unintended consequence of external development aid and that perhaps ‘allocation and withdrawal of emergency aid has become the currency that regulates mobility, conflict and peace’ (Giuffrida 2005b : 541). Many Tuareg fled to nearby countries such as Algeria and Burkina Faso. Those in the
This book provides a historical account of the NGO Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe (CARE) as one of the largest humanitarian NGOs worldwide from 1945 to 1980. Readers interested in international relations and humanitarian hunger prevention are provided with fascinating insights into the economic and business related aspects of Western non-governmental politics, fundraising and philanthropic giving in this field. The book also offers rich empirical material on the political implications of private and governmental international aid in a world marked by the order of the Cold War, and decolonialization processes. It elaborates the struggle of so called "Third World Countries" to catch up with modern Western consumer societies. In order to do justice to CARE's growing dimensions and to try to make sense of the various challenges arising from international operations, the book contains five main chapters on CARE's organizational development, with three case studies. It tells CARE's story on two different yet connected levels. First, it tells the story as a history of individuals and their interactions, conflicts, initiatives, and alliances within CARE and second as an organizational history focusing on institutional networks, CARE's role in international diplomacy. By the start of the 1960s CARE's strategically planned transformation into a development-oriented agency was in full swing. With United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Food for Peace, and the Peace Corps, several new government agencies in the development assistance sector were founded that offered potential junctions and opportunities for cooperation for CARE and the voluntary agencies in general.
This chapter explores the securitisation of development aid from the pre-2010 Labour Government to the post-2010 Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition. It finds a number of consistencies in the approaches of the two Governments, but also an intensification of the securitisation of development aid, both in discourse and in practice, under the Conservative Coalition. In December 2017, Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson explicitly committed to using the aid budget to support UK foreign policy aims, including