However, when one looks deeper one can indeed discern foundations of a shared political culture. Viewed in a historical perspective it is clear that British and Americanpolitics exhibit similar debates about matters of central and common concern. These debates have primarily though not exclusively been conducted within the respective British and American versions of liberal political doctrine and philosophy, particularly in the domestic economic sphere. Furthermore, these debates manifest temporal progressions such that it is reasonable to suggest the
American television was about to be revolutionised by the advent of video on demand in 2007, when Netflix, having delivered over one billion DVDs, introduced streaming. This book explores the role that fictional television has played in the world politics of the US in the twenty-first century. It focuses on the second golden age of television, which has coincided with the presidencies of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald J. Trump. The book is structured in three parts. Part I considers what is at stake in rethinking the act of watching television as a political and academic enterprise. Part II considers fictional television shows dealing explicitly with the subject matter of formal politics. It explores discourses of realpolitik in House of Cards and Game of Thrones, arguing that the shows reinforce dominant assumptions that power and strategy inevitably trump ethical considerations. It also analyses constructions of counterterrorism in Homeland, The West Wing, and 24, exploring the ways in which dominant narratives have been contested and reinforced since the onset of the War on Terror. Part III considers television shows dealing only implicitly with political themes, exploring three shows that make profound interventions into the political underpinnings of American life: The Wire, The Walking Dead and Breaking Bad. Finally, the book explores the legacies of The Sopranos and Mad Men, as well as the theme of resistance in The Handmaid's Tale.
I Am Not Your Negro (2016) takes its direction from the notes for a book
entitled “Remember this House” that James Baldwin left unfinished, a book about his three
friends—Medgar Evers, Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King Jr.— their murders, and their
intertwining legacies. The film examines the prophetic shadow Baldwin’s work casts on
twentieth- and twenty-first-century American politics and culture. Peck compiles archival
material from Baldwin’s interviews on The Dick Cavett Show, his 1965 Cambridge lecture,
and a series of banal images indexing the American dream. Juxtaposed against this
mythology is footage of Dorothy Counts walking to school, the assassination of black
leaders and activists, KKK rallies, and the different formations of the contemporary
carceral state. Our conversation examines Peck’s role as a filmmaker and his relationship
with the Baldwin estate. Additionally, we discussed a series of aesthetic choices he
fought to include in the film’s final cut, directing Samuel L. Jackson as the voice for
the film, the similarities and shifts he wanted to document in American culture since the
1960s, and some of the criticism he has received for not emphasizing more Baldwin’s
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Frydl , K.
J. ( 2006 ),
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( 2013 ), ‘ How Somali Pirates and
Terrorists Made Bank off Two Western Hostages
This book explores how a candidate who broke with almost every single norm
governing candidate behaviour, appeared to eschew the professionalised forms of
campaigning, and who had been more or less disowned by Republican elites, prove
victorious? The focus is on Trump and his campaign; the account does not go
beyond the November election and its immediate aftermath. The book argues that
the Trump campaign, like earlier populist insurgencies, can be explained in part
by considering some defining features of US political culture and, in
particular, attitudes towards government. It explains the right-wing populism
that has been a recurrent and ingrained feature of the political process over a
long period. The book discusses structural characteristics of the American state
that appear to be of particular significance in shaping attitudes, as well as
some other ideas and frames brought to the forefront by the Trump campaign
during the course of 2015 and 2016. It also considers the shifts and swings
amongst voters and suggests that these, alongside ideas about the state and the
'entrepreneurial' efforts of the campaign, form part of the
explanation for Trump's eventual victory. The book assesses Trump's
ascendancy as a function of, and reaction to, the strategies and discourses
pursued in the years preceding 2016 by Republican Party elites.
'Trumpism' and European forms of populism are still in some ways
weakly embedded but they may intensify the battles and processes of group
competition between different constituencies.
The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an appreciation of the nature and workings of this essential body. This text looks at the workings of the United States Congress, and uses the Republican period of ascendancy, which lasted from 1994 until 2000, as an example of how the Congress works in practice. The book illustrates the basic principles of Congress using contemporary and recent examples, while also drawing attention to the changes that took place in the 1990s. The period of Republican control is absent from many of the standard texts and is of considerable academic interest for a number of reasons, not least the 1994 election, the budget deadlock in 1995 and the Clinton impeachment scandal of 1999. The book traces the origin and development of the United States Congress, before looking in depth at the role of representatives and senators, the committee system, parties in Congress, and the relationship between Congress and the President, the media and interest groups.
It has been our fate as a nation not to have ideologies but to be one.
Richard Hofstadter 1
This book focuses on American television and Americanpolitics. That is for good reason. The US is not only the world’s sole superpower; moreover it is history’s greatest hegemon: a modern Leviathan. Never before has one country amassed such an overwhelming preponderance of power. Contra Senator Arthur Vandenberg, Americanpolitics certainly does not stop at the water’s edge; America’s military reach is truly global, with its national interest
Philosophy, politics and foreign policy in America’s ‘second modernity’
Vibeke Schou Tjalve and Michael C. Williams
pragmatists, progressives and conservatives. The early Cold War period
laid down an intellectual, political and social landscape whose contours
still mark much of Americanpolitical thought and politics. As such, it
remains understudied,7 and perhaps no more so than in its –exceptional –
cross-ideological debates over how to constitute and secure a truly plural
and yet integrative political order, and a responsive and yet responsible
Exceptionalism(s) and the American beginning
Unsurprisingly –and for good reasons –US foreign
catastrophe and the election of America’s first black president. Despite significant policy achievements, Barack Obama cut a divisive figure in Americanpolitical, media, and public debate. Disquiet surrounding his presidency, in part, created the context in which his successor’s candidacy was possible. In a few short months, the political rise of the reality TV star Donald Trump went from far-fetched speculation to omnipresent feature in the nation’s media. His inauguration posed a self-acknowledged and potentially fundamental challenge to America’s political norms and