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The struggle in projects, ideas and symbols between the strongest Communist Party in the West and an anti-Communist and pro-Western government coalition was the most peculiar founding element of the Italian democratic political system after the Second World War.
Until now, most historians have focused their attention on political parties as the only players in the competition for the making of political orientations and civic identities in Italian public opinion. Others have considered Italian political struggle in the 1940s and 1950s in terms of the polarisation between Communism and organised Catholicism, due to the undoubted importance of the Church in Italian culture and social relations.
This book enlarges the view, looking at new aspects and players of the anti-Communist ‘front’. It takes into account the role of cultural associations, newspapers and the popular press in the selection and diffusion of critical judgements and images of Communism, highlighting a dimension that explains the force of anti-Communist opinions in Italy after 1989 and the crisis of traditional parties. The author also places the case of Italian Cold War anti-Communism in an international context for the first time.
, pledged loyalty to the monarchy. This misunderstanding arises partly due to a lack of sources on the monarchy. The most important study has been Grant Evans’s The Last Century of Lao Royalty , 7 and Evans in particular revealed the many ways the monarchy was modernised. There nevertheless remain unaddressed, but defining, issues: specifically, how loyalism and anti-communism made (and unmade) the monarchy. Although Lao historiography largely concerns politics, nonetheless the role of partisanship in making the modern monarchy remains obscure. In the period 1945 to
v 9 v Catholic anti-communism, the bomb and perceptions of apocalypse in West Germany and the USA, 1945–90 Daniel Gerster Christian religion and war have shared a common history for centuries. There is, in fact, a long and entangled Christian discourse on ‘war’, even though Christianity has repeatedly emphasised the founding myth of it being purely a ‘peace religion’.1 Yet, since the late third century at the latest, such self-perception has conflicted with different Christian concepts that justified war and thus made it conceivable. Most influential in this
limited to operating in countries under Western tutelage, but even those inspired by anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western security strategies. At the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power, working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for humanitarian operations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the
complex and nuanced process of reflection; the mobilisation of its forces for the 1948 elections needs to be analysed within this longer-term perspective, taking into account aims and objectives that were of greater significance than the outcome of one single election. Communism as applied atheism The origins of the anti-Communism that was typical of Catholic discourse in the twentieth century can be located in the Church’s concerned reaction to the spread of socialism in the previous period. However, it was not until the early 1930s, with Communism’s increased
more complex. Nationhood is approached from multiple angles. The three films commonly point out the forced division of the nation as accountable for many of the problems confronted by modern Korea. This attitude explains that two of the three films – The Banner Bearer without a Flag and Southern Guerrilla Forces – treat anti-communism as their thematic crux. One of them tends to advocate anti-communism, and the other
, Ludendorff’s successor as First Quartermaster General, of his ‘pact’ with Ebert on 10 November 1918. 14 However, what is interesting about Erdmann’s article is not only its stark anti-Communism – typical of nearly all professional German historians from the 1920s through to the 1960s – but his insistence that his conclusions were founded on scientific
anti-communism were part of the dictatorship’s ideology (Meletopoulos, 2008: 206). Central to it was the relationship between the Greek nation and the Greek Orthodox Church. Although deeply nationalist, the dictators’ Goddard.indb 72 5/30/2013 1:41:25 PM Surrealist entertainment during the Greek dictatorship 73 ideology was rather haphazardly related to Greek history. On the one hand, they made references to ancient Greek culture, art or war ethics (Meletopoulos, 2008: 155–211), and occasionally to Sparta or to the imposition of dictatorships in ancient Athens
importance of the role played by the political and ecclesiastical elites, examining the importance of the legislative measures introduced by the Federal Government. It will also evaluate the mood of the refugees and expellees and suggest that the prevailing climate of anti-communism in the FRG in the 1950s acted as an important deterrent to political radicalism and served as a unifying ideology for both natives and refugees. The Occupying Powers played a major role in averting widespread political radicalisation in the early post-war years. The American and British
nationalists” associated with National Action and its short-lived predecessors in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the more Anglocentric sections of the far right came to prominence, such as the Australian League of Rights (ALOR) and the National Front of Australia (NFA). The Australian League of Rights and empire loyalism In contrast to the explicitly fascist NSPA, the Australian League of Rights was a populist far right organization that existed throughout the post-war era, combining anti-Semitism, anti-communism, anti-immigrationism, and empire loyalism. The ALOR