Authors: Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

This book regards Arab Islamism and liberalism as distinct political ideologies with all-encompassing views on the structure and appropriate roles of society and the state. The thesis presented here on the different functions of Israel and Zionism within these two ideologies refers to a protracted period of time. It also establishes several generalizations about the actions of individuals and groups in a vast geographic and linguistic space. The book first offers a chronological overview of the Islamist ideological opposition to Zionism. It portrays the main characteristics of and driving forces behind this resistance and explores the different pragmatic approaches toward Israel that have developed in the various epochs of Islamist thought. The book then discusses Islamist depictions of Zionism and Israel as role models and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations. It also offers a chronological overview of the evolution of liberal thought with regard to the Zionist enterprise. It depicts the various perceptions of peace and normalization created within this thought and demonstrates the contradictory ways in which the Arab liberal struggle for freedom and democracy has been intertwined with the Israeli-Arab conflict. Finally, the book discusses liberal interpretations that represent Zionism and Israel as role models, and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations.

Paul Kelemen

The British Labour Party’s response to the Israel/Arab conflict is traced in this chapter from 1947 until the early 1970s through the reflections of some of its leading figures and, in particular, of Richard Crossman. Crossman had an intense and lengthy involvement with the Israel/Palestine issue. He was a member of the 1947 Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry that made a last ditch effort to try to resolve the conflict in Palestine. For Crossman as for many in the Labour Party, the establishment of Israel represented the promise of a social democratic development in the Middle East, that many on the left-wing of the labour movement believed would constitute a ‘third way’, transcending the rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union. His strong attachment to Israel led him to subscribe to many of the myths of Labour Zionism though towards the end of his life he expressed some criticism of Israeli policies in the West Bank and Gaza.

in The British left and Zionism
A war of no compromises and compromises during war
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

who conquers a Muslim land. Since this obligation is a personal one, a woman does not have to seek her husband’s permission to go to war, nor do slaves from their masters, sons from their fathers or debtholders from their creditors. In this essay al-Banna refuted the argument that the Prophet believed that one’s struggle against oneself and one’s desires constitutes the greater jihad, while the jihad against the enemies of Islam is secondary to it.7 While the essay was not a direct call to wage war against the Zionist enemy, the Jewish–Arab conflict overshadowed

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Raymond Hinnebusch

, even when most threatened by its Arab nationalist neighbours, refrained from alliance with Israel, although covertly the kingdom benefited from an understanding that Israel would intervene if Jordan appeared in danger of absorption. Finally, lip service, at least, was given to the view that inter-Arab conflict should be settled peacefully in arenas such as the Arab League or through mediation and, in fact, such conflict was largely confined to low-intensity ideological subversion. The ‘Pan-Arab regime’ was facilitated by the shared identity of Arab elites and

in The international politics of the Middle East
Constructing security in historical perspective
Jonathan B. Isacoff

way to end the Israeli-Arab conflict. It became part of the natural order and was preferred over possible political solutions involving diplomacy and compromise . ( Ben-Eliezer, 1998 : 13–14; emphasis added) According to this interpretation, then, Israeli security

in Redefining security in the Middle East
François Burgat

have produced explanations of the Islamist phenomenon that are closer than mine are to French norms of “political correctness.” Clearly, to take some recent examples, emphasizing the responsibility of the dominant political players is less likely to lead to being hailed as a “serious” scholar. “Serious” scholars focus on the purported tendency of the dominated “to play the victim.” Or they assert that the radicalization of young—and older—French Muslims has no connection to the Israeli–Arab conflict. Or they emphasize the “religious” dynamics of urban revolts whose

in Understanding Political Islam
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

demonstrates the contradictory ways in which the Arab liberal struggle for freedom and democracy has been intertwined with the Israeli–Arab conflict. Arab liberals vs Zionism: historical roots On 1 April 1925, Lord Balfour was the guest of honour at the inauguration of the Hebrew University at Mount Scopus in Jerusalem. It was a festive occasion for Jews in Mandatory Palestine. Schools took the day off, poets wrote laudatory poems and commercial firms published supportive advertisements. The Jewish National Council issued a ‘Proclamation for the Arab People’ stating that

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Raymond Hinnebusch

-operation, enforced by Egyptian hegemony, against shared threats and external domination while limiting inter-Arab conflict to ideological rivalry (Barnett 1998; Sela 1998). Pan-Arabism helped establish a relatively autonomous regional system, but had no mechanism for bridging the Arab-non-Arab gap. Moreover, because Egyptian hegemony threatened other states, it induced anti-hegemonic balancing which undermined Pan-Arab solidarity and encouraged nationalist outbidding; this led, inadvertently, to war, the de-construction of Arabism, much increased insecurity, and states’ increasing

in The international politics of the Middle East
Abstract only
Islamism and liberalism in the Arab world: some theoretical remarks
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

acquittal of Azat Nafsu, an Israeli-Circassian officer convicted of spying on the basis of false evidence; the 1991 Operation Solomon (an airlift of Ethiopian Jews); the Labour party’s electoral victory in 1992; the fiftieth anniversary celebrations of the independence of the State of Israel; and the declaration and awarding of the Nobel Prize to professors Avram Hershko and Aaron Ciechanover, Yisrael Aumann, and Ada Yonath.38 The research bookshelves abound with military and diplomatic histories of the Israeli–Arab conflict; the number of research enquiries that discuss

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Ilan Danjoux

cartoons, Balaghi’s ( 1998 ) study of the Iranian revolution and Omri‘s (1988) work on Tunisian cartoons during the Gulf War. Slyomovics ( 1992 ) examines Algerian and Moroccan depictions of the Gulf War. Nir ( 1973 ) looks at how Soviet cartoons depicted the Israeli-Arab conflict. Damon followed his study of American cartoons dealing with the Middle East ( 1983 ) with a study of Arab newspaper cartoon

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict