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This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena: recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed: first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed. 2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed by the counter-revolutionary ones.

Middle-Aged Syrian Women’s Contributions to Family Livelihoods during Protracted Displacement in Jordan
Dina Sidhva, Ann-Christin Zuntz, Ruba al Akash, Ayat Nashwan, and Areej Al-Majali

Lebanon ’, Social Politics , 1 : 3 , 271 – 85 . Joseph , S. ( 1996 ), ‘ Patriarchy and Development in the Arab World ’, Gender & Development , 4 : 2 , 14 – 19 . Joseph , S. ( 2004 ), ‘ Conceiving

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Power, mobility, and the state

How does migration feature in states’ diplomatic agendas across the Middle East? Until recently, popular wisdom often held that migration is an important socio-economic, rather than political, phenomenon. Migration diplomacy in the Middle East counters this expectation by providing the first systematic examination of the foreign policy importance of migrants, refugees, and diasporas in the Global South. Gerasimos Tsourapas examines how emigration-related processes become embedded in governmental practices of establishing and maintaining power; how states engage with migrant and diasporic communities residing in the West; how oil-rich Arab monarchies have extended their support for a number of sending states’ ruling regimes via cooperation on labour migration; and, finally, how labour and forced migrants may serve as instruments of political leverage. Drawing on multi-sited fieldwork and data collection and employing a range of case studies across the Middle East and North Africa, Tsourapas enhances existing understandings of regional migration governance in the Global South. The book identifies how the management of cross-border mobility in the Middle East is not primarily dictated by legal, moral, or human rights considerations but driven by states’ actors key concern – political power. Offering key insights into the history and current migration policy dilemmas, the book will provide both novices and specialists with fresh insights on migration into, out of, and across the modern Middle East.

François Burgat

distant or tense. Egypt provided an essential observation point from which to broaden that horizon. From Cairo, I was able to start seeing North Africa through a new lens: no longer from within it, nor from inside the distorting mirror of France. It was from the symbolic heart of Arabism that my perspective on the Arab world gradually became decentered, and then recomposed. When seen from the scale of Cairo, Algiers, Tunis, and Rabat, notwithstanding their rank as capitals, inevitably became “provincialized.” The spectrum of “my” Arab world was slowly taking shape. I

in Understanding Political Islam
From the Gromyko declaration to the death of Stalin (1947–53)
Joseph Heller

oversee political and military issues. 17 The Kremlin’s decision to support partition was at odds with the recommendations of Soviet diplomats in the Arab world. The Soviet envoy to Iraq argued that, for the Arabs, the Zionists were enemies and more dangerous than the British and that a Jewish state in the very heart of the Arab world would jeopardize the dream of Arab unity. Soviet support for Zionism

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
International perceptions
Francesco Cavatorta

6 Islamism and democracy: international perceptions The international dimension of the failed Algerian process of democratisation is an important part of the story because it not only contributes to explain such failure, but also because it indirectly addresses very important contemporary issues about the prospects of democracy in the Arab world. From the previous analysis, it emerges that it is around the emergence of the FIS as the largest opposition movement in Algeria that the whole transition turned. It is largely the rise of the Islamist movement that

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
François Burgat

field of “Arab studies.” Research centers devoted to the study of the Arab world have long nurtured a kind of emotional block with respect to Islamist figures. In 1992, I suggested that the library of the CEDEJ, where I had been based for three years, might purchase a periodical published by the Muslim Brotherhood. The reply came that our institution was dedicated to doing “scholarship, not politics.” The argument might not have been completely unfounded had the organs of other political movements endured the same treatment—those that

in Understanding Political Islam
Abstract only
Sean W. Burges

global system would operate. Politicization of trade policy The economic stability that came with the surge in global commodity prices and Brazil’s success in exporting agricultural products and minerals underpinned an apparent shift in the strategic interplay between trade and foreign policy. A series of summits Brazil organized between South America and Africa (2006, 2009) as well as the Arab world (2005, 2009) kept the same implicit logic of trade expansion found in efforts to move Cardoso’s infrastructure integration programme to deeper economic and political

in Brazil in the world
Abstract only
Francesco Cavatorta

, beyond their control. 183 184 the international dimension of the algerian transition The international dimension in Algeria This open model of democratisation has been applied to Algeria, whose transition has been poorly examined and often misrepresented. Algeria is quite representative of wider trends affecting liberalisation and democratisation in the wider Arab world. Specifically, the emergence of a strong Islamist party, with its ideological arsenal of slogans and solutions derived from religion, represents a challenge for the notion of liberal democracy so

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Abstract only
Ahmad H. Sa’di

were quarantined in poor neighbourhoods (Morris, 2004; Pappe, 2006:207–8). Having transformed the country demographically and constructed a ring of Palestinian-free areas along the new borders, the state had isolated Palestinians in Israel from the refugees and the rest of the Arab world. The third goal, then, was to govern them through an effective control and surveillance system. They were to be governed not by the ordinary state bureaucracy, but rather by a Military Government and through the British Mandatory Emergency Regulation, primarily enacted to fight

in Thorough surveillance