The debate on the polity of the church was at the centre of the religious debates
in the British Atlantic world during the middle decades of the
seventeenth-century. From the Covenanter revolution in Scotland, to the
congregationalism of the New England colonies, to the protracted debates of the
Westminster assembly, and the abolition of the centuries-old episcopalian
structure of the Church of England, the issue of the polity of the church was
intertwined with the political questions of the period. This book collects
together essays focusing on the conjunction of church polity and politics in the
middle years of the seventeenth century. A number of chapters in the volume
address the questions and conflicts arising out of the period’s reopening and
rethinking of the Reformation settlement of church and state. In addition, the
interplay between the localities and the various Westminster administrations of
the era are explored in a number of chapters. Beyond these discussions, chapters
in the volume explore the deeper ecclesiological thinking of the period,
examining the nature of the polity of the church and its relationship to society
at large. The book also covers the issues of liberty of conscience and how
religious suffering contributed to a sense of what the true church was in the
midst of revolutionary political upheaval. This volume asserts the fundamental
connection between church polity and politics in the revolutions that affected
the seventeenth-century British Atlantic world.
This book is wholly devoted to assessing the array of links between Scotland and the Caribbean in the later eighteenth century. It uses a wide range of archival sources to paint a detailed picture of the lives of thousands of Scots who sought fortunes and opportunities, as Burns wrote, ‘across th' Atlantic roar’. The book outlines the range of their occupations as planters, merchants, slave owners, doctors, overseers and politicians, and shows how Caribbean connections affected Scottish society during the period of ‘improvement’. The book highlights the Scots' reinvention of the system of clanship to structure their social relations in the empire and finds that involvement in the Caribbean also bound Scots and English together in a shared Atlantic imperial enterprise and played a key role in the emergence of the British nation and the Atlantic world.
consequence, Communist activities in the Atlanticworld took a dual direction during
the interwar period. While the Negro Bureau and its main propagandist, the African-American
Communist Harry Haywood, focused on the ‘American Atlantic’ by promoting the
so-called Black Belt thesis, the ITUCNW attempted to encompass a larger radical
‘African Atlantic’. Together with various other political and intellectual
networks of Pan-African activists and movements, they formed the Black Atlantic of the
interwar period. 10
activities of ambitious and speculative
individuals who carved out a new life or career for themselves in the colonies.
The relatively recent innovation that is Atlantic history, or the history of
the Atlanticworld, presents the historian with an alternative way of configuring the history
of Britain’s overseas empire. 11 Peter Marshall’s
observation that the early eighteenth-century empire could mean just as easily ‘power or
dominant interests outside Britain’ as control over territory, hints at the need of a
The TransAtlantic reconsidered brings together established experts from Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies – two fields that are closely connected in their historical and disciplinary development as well as with regard to the geographical area of their interest. Questions of methodology and boundaries of periodization tend to separate these research fields. However, in order to understand the Atlantic World and transatlantic relations today, Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies should be considered together. The scholars represented in this volume have helped to shape, re-shape, and challenge the narrative(s) of the Atlantic World and can thus (re-)evaluate its conceptual basis in view of historiographical developments and contemporary challenges. This volume thus documents and reflects on the changes within Transatlantic Studies during the last decades. New perspectives on research reconceptualize how we think about the Atlantic World. At a time when many political observers perceive a crisis in transatlantic relations, critical evaluation of past narratives and frameworks will provide an academic foundation to move forward.
This article explores the process of female self-fashioning in two previously
neglected petitions dated 1786-87 by using signatures to analyse their texts and
construct their contexts. In them, Helen Timberlake revises the account of
frontier and Cherokee life her husband, Henry Timberlake, had published in his
Memoirs (1765). Her intense maternal voice, focused on loss,
entangles her history with that of the Cherokee chief Ostenaco, providing a
grounded but often untrue narrative of shared family life and a persona tailored
to evoke a history intertwined with that of George III. This article explores
the mystery of Helen Timberlakes origins, while connecting the rhetoric of her
petitions to the gendered emergence of sentimentalism, narratives of Indian
captivity, and the historiography of ‘the Atlantic’.
The Chronotope of the Ghost Ship in the Atlantic
Julia Mix Barrington
Ghost ships haunt Atlantic literature, but surprisingly few scholars have focused on
these striking Gothic figures with any depth. Responding to this oversight, this essay
introduces the chronotope of the ghost ship to the literary conversation, tracing it
through four key transatlantic texts: Richard Henry Dana, Jr‘s Two Years Before the Mast
(1840), a tale of the Flying Dutchman found in Blackwoods Edinburgh Magazine (1821), The
Rime of the Ancient Mariner (1798), and Melville‘s novella Benito Cereno (1855). Wherever
they appear in literature, ghost ships voice Gothic horror on the Atlantic; the strange
temporality of the frozen yet eternally journeying ghost ship engenders in these texts a
compulsion for communication with the living world. These Gothic missives bring
uncomfortable and unspeakable subjects – particularly the moral terror of slavery – into
the consciousness of more mainstream readers. To understand the ghost ship is to
understand the Gothic double of Gilroy‘s Atlantic world.
curbs on the public declarations of NGOs imposed
by the Sri Lankan government during and after its war against the Tamil Tigers.
Medical NGOs will almost certainly have an easier time than, say, groups focusing on community
development or psycho-social care, but taken in aggregate the humanitarian world will be less
transformed by a post-North Atlanticworld than the Northern human rights movement. 4 Humanitarian action has never been a zero-sum game,
whereas that is precisely what human rights activism has to be to be morally coherent.
The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
Increased Irish-Scottish contact was one of the main consequences of the Ulster plantation (1610), yet it remains under-emphasised in the general accounts of the period. The Scottish involvement in early-to-mid seventeenth-century Ireland was both more and less pervasive than has been generally understood, just as the Irish role in western Scotland and the Isles has been mostly underappreciated. Despite growing academic interest in English, Scottish, Irish and Welsh inter-connections sparked by the ‘New British History’ debate, the main emphasis in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century ‘British’ historiography has been on Anglo-Scottish and Anglo-Irish relations respectively. Exploring the Irish-Scottish world brings important new perspectives into play, helping to identify some of the limits of England’s Anglicising influence in the northern and western ‘British Isles’ and the often slight basis on which the Stuart pursuit of a new ‘British’ state and a new ‘British’ consciousness operated. Regarding Anglo-Scottish relations, it was chiefly in Ireland that the English and Scots intermingled after 1603, with a variety of consequences, sometimes positive, often negative. This book charts key aspects of the Anglo-Scottish experience in the country down to the Restoration and greatly improves understanding of that complex and troubled relationship. The importance of the Gaelic world in Irish-Scottish connections also receives greater attention here than in previous accounts. This Gaedhealtacht played a central role in the transmission of Catholic and Protestant radicalism in Ireland and Scotland, which served as a catalyst to underlying political and ethnic tensions within the British Isles, the consequences of which were revolutionary.