Australianforeignpolicy and the vernacular
of national belonging
On 22 October 2014 a gunman opened fire on the Canadian National War
Memorial and Houses of Parliament, killing a soldier on ceremonial duty and
injuring three others. In expressing sympathy on behalf of all Australians,
then Prime Minister, Tony Abbott (2013–15), announced: ‘today more than
ever, Australians and Canadians are family’ (Wroe 2014). On the surface,
such a statement of solidarity appeared both appropriate and unexceptional.
In times of crisis or catastrophe
This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Japan’s new security
partnerships with Australia, India, countries and multilateral security
structure in East Asia, as well as with the EU and some of its member
states. Most books on Japanese bilateral relations focus exclusively on the
Japanese perspective, the debate in Japan, positions of Japanese government
leaders and parties, or the public discourse. This edited volume is organized in
pairs of chapters, one each analysing the motivations and objectives of Japan,
and a second analysing those of each of the most important new security
partners. After solely relying on the United States for its national
security needs during the Cold War, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has
begun to deepen its bilateral security ties. Since the mid-2000s under LDP and
DPJ administrations, bilateral security partnerships accelerated and today go
beyond non-traditional security issue are as and extend far into traditional
security and military affairs, including the exchange and joint acquisition of
military hardware, military exercises, and capacity building. It is argued, that
these developments will have implications for the security architecture in the
Asia-Pacific. This book is a primer for those interested in Japan’s security
policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, non-American centred bilateral and
multilateral security cooperation through the eyes of Japanese as well as
partner country perspectives. It is also an ideal as a course reading for
graduate courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships,
and Japanese foreign and security policy.
: A Study in AustralianForeignPolicy (Sydney, 1988), p. 186.
11 Rose, Academic Sojourners, p. 109.
12 Dennis Altman, Defying Gravity: A Political Life (Sydney, 1997), p. 63.
13 Woods, ‘Fulbright Internationalism’, p. 23.
14 Molly Battie, ‘Fulbright Women in the Global Intellectual Elite’, in Alessandro Brogi,
Giles Scott-Smith and David J. Snyder, eds, The Legacy of J. William Fulbright: Policy,
Power, and Ideology, (Kentucky, 2019), [p. 10].
surveillance and communication satellites, and
also radio facilities to send commands to its submarines in the Indian Ocean, ‘the
most important and controversial issue posed by the American Alliance or Australianforeignpolicy generally’.24
The Fulbright Program belongs in the context of the unique relationship between
these Pacific allies who were working towards securing their mutual interests in the
region. In the Fulbright division of the world, Australia and New Zealand are firmly
located by their geography in the east Asia-Pacific sphere of the globe (see Figure I.1
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
Caroline Elkins, ‘The reassertion of the British
Empire in Southeast Asia’, Journal of Interdisciplinary
History 19:3 (Winter 2009), p. 365; also see David Reynolds,
‘Empire region, world: the international context of Australianforeignpolicy since 1939’, Australian Journal of Politics and
History 51:3 (2005 ), p. 348
to be more ‘nuanced’ as well as more ‘pro-Chinese’. This may not matter, as the strategic partnership is now firmly embedded into Australianforeignpolicy and has thus acquired a bureaucratic/institutional momentum of its own. Moreover, as a diplomatic priority, it enjoys bipartisan support in Australia (as well as Japan). Peter Jennings confirms that ‘growing military ties with Tokyo aren’t accidental but the result of careful and bipartisan policy development over recent years’ ( Jennings, 2012 : 12). The strategic partnership therefore has firm support in
1937–49 , IV, July 1940-June 1941 (Canberra,
Australian Government Publishing Service, 1980), docs 92, 93,
Richard D. E. Burton, “‘Nos
journées de juin”: the historical significance of the
liberation of Martinique (June 1943
in David Lowe and
Oakman, eds, Australia and the Colombo Plan 1949–1957 (Documents on AustralianForeignPolicy) (Canberra, 2004), pp. 22–33. It is possible that the Fulbright Program,
already operating in several countries, inspired the educational component of the
Colombo Plan. On the Colombo Plan see Daniel Oakham, Facing Asia: A History
of the Colombo Plan (Canberra, 2004); David Lowe, The Colombo Plan and ‘Soft’
Regionalism in the Asia-Pacific: Australian and New Zealand Cultural Diplomacy in the
1950s and 1960s (Geelong, 2010).
14 On Latham’s career and