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Banning them, securing us offers a rich and expansive exploration of the politics
of proscribing – or banning – terrorist organisations in Britain. The book calls
attention to the remarkable, and overlooked, role of proscription debates and
decisions in contemporary UK politics. Using primary empirical research, the
book shows how parliamentary processes of proscribing ‘illegitimate’
organisations is as much a ritual performance as it is a technique for
countering political violence. This ritual, we argue, is a performance of
sovereignty and powerful framing of Britain as a liberal, democratic, moderate
space. Yet, it represents a paradox too. For proscription’s processes have
limited democratic or judicial oversight, and its outcomes pose significant
threats to democratic norms, human rights, political dissent and citizenship
more broadly.
The book breaks important new ground on the politics of
terrorism, counter-terrorism, security and democracy. It will be widely read by
researchers and students across Security Studies, International Relations,
Political Science, History, Sociology and beyond.
6 Bargaining for test ban treaties The earliest specific international arrangement, at least indirectly, to restrict the spread of nuclear weapons is the PTBT of 1963. The treaty bans the testing of all nuclear explosive devices anywhere except underground, and only then when the radioactive debris from the explosion is contained wholly within the borders of the state responsible. The negotiation of the treaty – originally designed to be a comprehensive ban on all nuclear testing – began essentially in 1955, when the Soviets unbundled such an agreement from a
6 After the Bishops’ Ban: imitation of Spenserian satire Spenser’s death in 1599, the promulgation of the Bishops’ Ban in 1599, and the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1603—each of these could be expected to affect the writing of poetry in England, with Spenser’s influence becoming modified by nostalgia, authors trying to interpret the text of the Bishops’ Ban to determine how to respond to its directive “That noe Satyres or Epigramms be printed hereafter” (qtd. in McCabe, “Elizabethan satire,” 188), and everyone watching to see what degree of oversight of the
5 Thomas Middleton’s satires before and after the Bishops’ Ban Among the books burned by order of the Bishops’ Ban on June 4, 1599, was nineteen-year-old Thomas Middleton’s Micro-Cynicon: Sixe Snarling Satyres, a collection of verse satires. T.M. the young satirist would of course soon become Thomas Middleton the seasoned dramatist, and criticism of Middleton’s work has not surprisingly focused primarily on his more mature work for the theater. Nevertheless, early satires such as Micro-Cynicon and Father Hubburds Tales; or, The Ant and the Nightingale (1604
While no individual can dictate policy, no individual should exempt himself from the attempt to do so.” Norman Cousins 1 Introduction The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, which involved the United States, the Soviet Union, and Britain, were a complex process
are already growing at an estimated 1.25 million people per week ( Burkle et al. , 2013 ). Such rapid growth adds greater strain to already limited local resources and increases the risk of harm from and vulnerability to natural hazard disasters and complex emergencies ( NAS, 2018 ; UNODRR, 2019 ). When UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon convened the World Humanitarian Summit (WHS) in May 2016, he sought commitments from global leaders for new action
Braving the Ottoman‘s ban on capturing any images of the persecuted Armenians, witnesses dodged censorship and photographed pictures that would later be branded as proofat the Paris Peace Conference in 1919–20. Despite the challenge of these images to representations of the Armenian genocide, they were soon forgotten after the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne erased the Armenian Question, while time took care of destroying the corpses abandoned in the desert. This article will examine the image-disappearance dialectic through distinct temporalities of remembrance,and commemoration, each of which mobilises its own specific, iconographical semantics. In response to contemporary challenges, the repertoire of images has not remained sealed; over the last decade it has been reopened through depictions of bare landscapes and stretches of desert and bones,that suddenly pierce through the earth. The article will show how these images implicitly speak of the disappearance and seek meaning through emptiness.
In French cinema, representations of girls have often been associated with films made by women, as demonstrated by Carrie Tarr with Brigitte Rollet (2001). They claim that the young girl is the major cinematographic topic for a woman’s first film, and names, such as Céline Sciamma in the late 2000s, Diane Kurys and Catherine Breillat in the 1970s, substantiate this position. However, Breillat’s A Real Young Girl was different, as it attracted critics’ acerbic reception and was subsequently banned for its open depiction of a young girl’s sexual experiences. It is argued that Breillat’s images of the young girl’s sexual initiation in the 1970s brings to the fore the significance of the idea of authenticity in relation to sex and cinema. Examining the representation of the ‘real young girl’ highlights the ideas of reflexivity and creativity attached to the existentialist notion of authenticity. This article aims to show that the young girl stands as a metaphor for Breillat’s auteurist approach to challenging existing filmic conventions.
). 4 Abducted in Chechnya in January 2001 by a group of Islamist fighters, the Dutch section head of mission was released after 26 hours, and a letter of apology was published by his captors on the website kavkaz.org. Seeking support from the international community, the armed opposition took advantage of his release to announce its decision to ‘ban all kidnappings of aid workers’. In Colombia, an MSF volunteer held for
actually provided that access. Instead, donors have shifted to digital humanitarian payments primarily through segregated, second-rate financial service ghettos. In Jordan, refugees are offered access to mobile wallets on a mobile money system that is new and does not connect refugees to the local economy. In Kenya, refugees are de jure banned from the mainstream economic infrastructure of M-Pesa. The informal and illegal workarounds refugees use – and humanitarian actors