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Author: Kevern Verney

The blossoming of interest in black history since the 1950s was directly linked to the rise of Martin Luther King and the post-Second World War Civil Rights Movement. The advances achieved in desegregation and black voting rights since the 1950s suggested that this was a destination that King's children, and African Americans as a whole, would ultimately reach. In the inter-war years there were indications that some scholars were willing to examine the more depressing realities of black life, most notably in a series of academic studies on lynching. The book discusses the approach of Du Bois to the academic studies on black migrants from a sociological perspective. When African American history began to command more serious attention in the mid-1960s, the generation of historians who had had direct personal experience of the Great Depression and the Second World War began to reach the age of retirement. The book also examines the achievements of race leaders like Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael, the Black Power Movement and Black Nationalism of the 1960s. In a 1996 study, political scientist Robert C. Scholarly debate on the African American experience from the 1890s through to the early 1920s gathered momentum with fresh studies on the spread of racial segregation and black migration to the cities. The rise of feminism and popularity of women's history prompted academic researchers to pay attention to the issue of gender in African American history. Stereotyped depictions of African Americans in US popular culture are also discussed.

Kevern Verney

The historiography of the Civil Rights Movement of 1955–68 is both rich and extensive. Expressed in terms of the language and imagery of the natural world, the diversity, fecundity and quality of the scholarship is akin to the luxuriant growth of a tropical rain forest. Sadly, this pleasing vista is not an appropriate description for the body of published research by historians on Black Nationalist groups of the period or the Black Power Movement of the late 1960s and 1970s. The scholarly output on these subject areas has, by comparison, been sparse, stunted

in The Debate on Black Civil Rights in America
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A Grenadian ‘Miss World’, 1970
Rochelle Rowe

away such queries, and it is unlikely the bourgeois journals that interviewed her, Jet (an African American magazine from the publishers of Ebony) and The Bajan, would have sought to dwell on such matters. Still it is noteworthy that in Jet Hosten, lightskinned and upper-middle-class, did not identify with the Black Power movement, but did chose to assert her identity as a Grenadian black woman: ‘As a black woman this crown means a lot to me and to my people in Grenada’, she remarked. However, Hosten said little more on the subject and talked only in terms of

in Imagining Caribbean womanhood
Race, locality and resistance
Author: Shirin Hirsch

Fifty years ago Enoch Powell made national headlines with his 'Rivers of Blood' speech, warning of an immigrant invasion in the once respectable streets of Wolverhampton. This local fixation brought the Black Country town into the national spotlight, yet Powell's unstable relationship with Wolverhampton has since been overlooked. Drawing from oral history and archival material, this book offers a rich local history through which to investigate the speech, bringing to life the racialised dynamics of space during a critical moment in British history. What was going on beneath the surface in Wolverhampton and how did Powell's constituents respond to this dramatic moment? The research traces the ways in which Powell's words reinvented the town and uncovers highly contested local responses. While Powell left Wolverhampton in 1974, the book returns to the city to explore the collective memories of the speech that continue to reverberate. In a contemporary period of new crisis and division, examining the shadow of Powell allows us to reflect on racism and resistance from 1968 to the present day.

Colette Gaiter

, communal responsibility’. They identify the basic tenets of Black Power as: 1. re-definition or self-definition 2. self-determination 3. self-defense, and 4. ‘political modernization’, ending the economic exploitation of the black underclass, as well as the need for radical, racial consciousness – an awareness of the need for radical/revolutionary struggle to change America’s racist, repressive social systems.11 The BPP played an essential role in the larger Black Power movement in the US, which followed and expanded on the civil rights movement that had nominally won

in Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution
Andrew Balmer and Anne Murcott

vocabulary can, in some circumstances, carry very strong connotations of power. And, of course, selected words become ‘politically incorrect’, with objections raised if they are used. If using them cannot be avoided, reference may well be made euphemistically – for example, a journalist writing ‘the “n” word’ to evade quoting the reprehensible use of the old racial segregationist word ‘nigger’. All the same, members of the Black Power movement of the 1960s deliberately used the word ‘black’, to reclaim it from segregationist usage and proclaim that ‘black is beautiful

in The craft of writing in sociology
Sally Shaw

see, the lucky thing with me in the 1960s and 1970s, and especially because of that whole movement, the radical movement [which encompassed the British Black Power movement], there were white film-makers who I had [previously] worked with, who were supporting the type of film that I was making. So when I made Pressure they came and they said, ‘listen, we will help you. We know that you do not have the kind of budget that you will need, so we will come in and help you’. And they would give me a certain amount of time […] a week for free working [for me]. 30

in British art cinema
Robbie McVeigh

. Carmichael and Hamilton came from a generation which proved that the subaltern could speak – they represented an articulate people, literate in resistance and struggle. This is very clear in the dialectics of Black Power as a piece of writing. Carmichael was not simply the activist foil to Hamilton’s academic intellectual. When Carmichael spoke and wrote he referenced Sartre, Camus and Fanon. The broader Black Power movement was associated with a whole outpouring of radical speech and writing Kwame Ture and Charles Hamilton’s Black Power 107 – Eldridge Cleaver, Angela

in Mobilising classics
Black Power and the transformation of the Caribbean Artists Movement
Rob Waters

– ‘Do you think that there is any place for the white liberal in the Black Power movement?’ – he was met with jeers and protestations from the audience. There was a clear sense that, whatever the current political project, it would be blackorganised. ‘Life is a game, and you know, you played baseball as a kid and you say, “ok, let me hit a couple”. And you know

in Cultures of decolonisation
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Simon Peplow

-​advancement, often influenced by transnational Black Power and Pan-​Africanism ideologies; Gilroy has forwarded the ‘Black Atlantic’ as an arena of transnational cultural construction.20 David J. Smith noted evidence of a growing coherent political ideology: not to the level of explicitly organising the 1980–​81 disturbances, but as a collective response to 3 4 Race and riots in Thatcher’s Britain police and societal oppression.21 Very little research has thus far been conducted into the British Black Power movement, noted by Rosalind Eleanor Wild in describing her PhD thesis as

in Race and riots in Thatcher’s Britain