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Cathy Bergin

In this chapter I focus very specifically on the way in which the black radical press mobilised the concept of Bolshevism to speak to the paramountcy of black agency; how the Russian Revolution was represented as an event which proffered a model for transnational black liberation. In engaging with radical black history we are not only addressing the damaging legacies of white supremacy which are inherited and inhabited by the descendants of the enslaved and colonially oppressed, but also how those

in The Red and the Black
Open Access (free)
Lewis Hine’s Photographs of Refugees for the American Red Cross, 1918–20
Sonya de Laat

the way in which the war encouraged ‘American boys and girls take responsibilities as little citizens of the world’ ( Studebaker, 1919 : 7). It is in this peacetime, interwar period that the child surfaced as a universal humanitarian subject. During a time in which there were political and social tensions emerging in response to rising Bolshevism, the child appealed to American aid workers who pressed for continued activity particularly in Eastern Europe where needs were greatest. The child represented an innocent, apolitical subject, an object of pity that

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

This volume explores the life histories of a wide range of radical figures whose political activity in relation to the black liberation struggle was catalysed or profoundly shaped by the global impact and legacy of the Russian Revolution of October 1917. The volume includes new perspectives on the intellectual trajectories of well-known figures such as C.L.R. James, Paul Robeson, Raya Dunayevskaya and Walter Rodney, as well as the important South African trade union leader Clements Kadalie and the poet Amiri Baraka. The volume also brings together new research and scholarship on a number of critical activists who were influenced by ‘black Bolshevism’ such as Henry Hubert Harrison, Wilfred Domingo, Cyril Briggs, Grace P. Campbell and Lamine Senghor. Detailed engagements with the political trajectories of such revolutionary figures opens up a set of diverse perspectives and engagements with different articulations of black internationalisms in the wake of the Russian Revolution. This enables a focus on the different and contested terms on which these relations were shaped, and some of the nuanced situated ways in which these relations were negotiated and lived. The engagement with particular lives and experiences offers a focus on different forms of political agency and solidarity shaped at the intersection of the Russian Revolution and the wider Black Atlantic world. Such a biographical approach brings a vivid and distinctive lens to bear on how racialised social and political worlds were negotiated and experienced, and also on historic black radical engagements with left political movements and organising.

The Russian Revolution and the Black Atlantic

The introduction sets out the ways in which the volume uses an engagement with the inspiring international reverberations of the Russian Revolution across the Black Atlantic world to understand the contested articulations of left politics and different struggles against racism and colonialism. The first section situates the volume in relation to the historiography of the Russian Revolution while outlining some of the key ways in which black radicals drew inspiration from these events. The second section positions the volume in relation to recent literatures on black internationalism, drawing attention to how the chapters in this volume take forward these debates. The final section draws attention to the implications of the book for key contemporary debates on the intersection of race and class, on the emergence of politicised forms of anti-racism, in particular those arising out of a revolutionary struggle, and on racialised forms of internationalism and agency. We conclude by positioning the introduction in relation to recent political events, including the resurgent Black Lives Matter movement.

Arthur Schnitzler after the First World War
Max Haberich

at this moment in time’. But only five days later, when pressed by an admirer for his view on the possible Anschluß, Schnitzler asks what Austria, ‘that cannot support itself economically, should do, since … the Czechs are irreconcilable in their hatred?’ Then he mentions the v 174 v Arthur Schnitzler after the First World War possible ‘Helvetisation’ of Austria. If that should happen, he remarks, not without humour, Austria may well become a land of artists and waiters (11 January 1919). In spite of his serious concern with the threat of Bolshevism, not once did

in The silent morning
Allan Antliff

from Bolshevism’s pseudorevolutionary pretences. In April 1919, an underground group, working with the anarchist Union of Russian Workers Groups in Canada and the United States, launched a free monthly broadsheet, The Anarchist Soviet Bulletin.61 The first issue was a clarion call for ‘workers, farmers, soldiers and sailors’ to join the marching ‘SOCIAL REVOLUTION of the WORLD’S WORKERS’ and form an ‘Anarchist Federation of Commune Soviets’ to overthrow capitalism in the United States.62 Evoking the example of Russia’s soviets over the next three issues, by August

in Anarchism, 1914–18
Neutrality and crisis
Mary Hilson

revolutions. Several of them carried reprints of a speech by an exiled former member of Tsentrosoiuz to the Swiss co-operative congress, which was hostile to Bolshevism, but they also looked forward to the opportunities to resume trading relations with Soviet Russia.76 An author ‘S. J.’ (presumably Severin Jørgensen) in Andelsbladet, hardly an organ that might be expected to have a natural sympathy for Bolshevism, suggested in September 1919 that reports of Bolshevik terror were probably over-exaggerated, and praised the emphasis on education as a means in the new regime

Winston James

back his ‘golden hope’. 15 Before the second anniversary of the revolution he was debating the subject with the black nationalist Garveyites. He vigorously promoted the relevance of Bolshevism to the struggles of black people the world over. ‘Every Negro’, he wrote in a letter to the Negro World , who lays claim to leadership should make a study of Bolshevism and explain its meaning to the colored masses. It is the greatest and most scientific idea afloat in the world today that can be easily

in The Red and the Black
Abstract only
Ulrike Ehret

history as a simple positive foil to German history, Church, Nation and Race compares the worldviews and factors that promoted or indeed opposed antisemitism amongst Catholics in both societies. As a prequel to books on Hitler, fascism and genocide, it traces the sources of attraction or rejection of fascism and National Socialism and the role antisemitism played in this context. Particular emphasis is placed on the hypernationalism in Europe that was further inflamed by the widespread fear of Russian Bolshevism and of indigenous socialist movements. Michael Mann has

in Church, nation and race
Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.