Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.
In the early twenty-first century, children fathered by foreign soldiers during and after conflicts are often associated directly with gender-based violence. This book investigates the situations of children born of war (CBOW) since the Second World War, provides a historical synthesis that moves beyond individual case studies, and explores circumstances across time and geopolitical location. The currently used definitions and categorisations of CBOW are presented together with an overview of some key groups of CBOW. Specific conflict areas are chosen as key case studies on the basis of which several core themes are explored. These conflicts include the Second World War (1939-1945) with the subsequent post-war occupations of Germany and Austria (1945-1955). The Vietnam War (1955-1975), the Bosnian War (1992-1995), some African Conflicts of the 1990s and early 2000s, in particular in Rwanda (1994) and Uganda (1988-2006), are also examined. In the case studies, the experiences of the children are explored against the background of the circumstances of their conception. For example, the situation of the so-called Bui Doi, children of American soldiers and Vietnamese mothers is examined. The experiences of Amerasian CBOW who were adopted into the United States as infants following the Operation Babylift and those who moved as young adults following the American Homecoming Act are juxtaposed. The book also looks into the phenomenon of children fathered by UN peacekeeping personnel as a starting point for a discussion of current developments of the international discourse on CBOW.
region of its inhabitants (a clear objective of Serb nationalists in the Bosnianwar, for example). Conversely, civilians have been used as human shields by rebel groups keeping them hostage in an attempt to secure military positions or to force governmental forces to commit war crimes. This was, for example, the strategy of the LTTE when the Sri Lankan government troops advanced on the Vanni region in early 2009.
Ultimately, what matters is the reason underlying the decision to open or to call for a humanitarian corridor. Corridors can be misappropriated by a third
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
Cold War, which is endangering both humanitarian teams and the operations they
conduct. References to ‘before’ have been heard since the mid-1990s,
in the wake of the BosnianWar and the Tutsi genocide. The mass killings in Bosnia
and Rwanda – coming on the heels of the Somali and Liberian civil wars
– created a landscape of widespread violence, ‘anarchic
conflicts’ in which not even humanitarian workers or journalists were safe.
People stressed the contrast with earlier
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
, such as the use of forced circumcision in the 2007
post-electoral violence in Kenya ( Auchter,
2017 ), sexual violence against Iraqi men and women at Abu Ghraib prison
by US forces in Iraq ( Kassem, 2013 ),
penile amputation and public displays of dismembered penises in the eastern DRC
( ICC, 2011 ), and some of the sexual
violence perpetrated against Muslim Bosnian men during the BosnianWar ( ICTY, 1997 , 2001 ). However, not all sexual violence against men and
; and bombing the Bosnian Serbs. While it will not be possible
to examine coverage of all of these interventions, the main concern of
this study is international involvement in the Bosnianwar.
Recognition of Bosnian
independence in 1992 followed the secession of the republics of Croatia
and Slovenia from the federal Yugoslav state the previous year. While
Children born of war: lessons learnt?
CBOW are a global phenomenon. It is likely that the scale of this phenomenon
will never be fully comprehended, as there are many reasons that account for
the fact that data about children fathered by foreign soldiers and born to local
mothers will remain inaccurate and incomplete. Despite this reservation with
regard to exact figures, the analysis of the chosen case studies – the Second
World War and its post-war occupations, the Vietnam War, the BosnianWars,
sub-Saharan African conflicts and UN peacekeeping
ceaseﬁre was brokered between Bosniaks and Croats and
on 1 March 1994 the Washington Agreement was signed. The Agreement envisaged the foundation of a Federation based on Swiss-style cantons (four Bosniak,
two Croat, two Mixed and a special Sarajevo district). The Federation would eventually join in a confederation with Croatia. ‘Zubak said after taking oﬃce that a
confederation with Moslems was “possible, even desirable”’ (BOSNET 4 March
This marks the beginning of intense international involvement in the
BosnianWar and also of the amorphous state of Herceg
Yugoslav government and ethnic-Albanian separatists had failed, is true
in the sense that there were numerous diplomatic initiatives prior to
the onset of bombing. The status of Kosovo had been raised as an
international issue at the time of the Bosnianwar, but Western interest
in Kosovo greatly increased from late 1997. Over the course of 1998 the
US and European governments, Nato, the Contact Group (established in
action during the Bosnian and Kosovan conflicts. The Yeltsin administration was critical of the Western drive to do something about the Serbian aggression but did not intervene. The Clinton administration was reluctant to get directly involved until the tragedy had become a very major one, in the Bosnian case, but was much quicker in the case of Kosovo. It may be that domestic preoccupations had much to do with this somewhat detached approach of the two leaders.
It is important to outline how the BosnianWar evolved and eventually pulled in the West through