From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological
evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition
of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research,
this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive
Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used
to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set
of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a
dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex
and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s
approach to the conflict. Drawing on extensive archival research and
interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical
objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within
Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why
attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately
proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key
evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations
with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant
to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership
jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union. Informed,
robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone
interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students
of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.
This timely collection explores British attitudes to continental Europe that explain the Brexit decision. Analysing British discourses of Europe and the impact of British Euroscepticism, the book argues that Britain’s exit from the European Union reflects a more general cultural rejection of continental Europe: Britain is in denial about the strength of its ties to Europe and needs to face Europe if it is to face the future. The volume brings together literary and cultural studies, history, and political science in an integrated analysis of views and practices that shape cultural memory and the cultural imaginary. Part I, ‘Britain and Europe: political entanglements’, traces the historical and political relationship between Britain and Europe and the place of Europe in recent British political debates while Part II, ‘British discourses of Europe in literature and film’, is devoted to representative case studies of films as well as popular Eurosceptic and historical fiction. Part III, ‘Negotiating borders in British travel writing and memoir’, engages with border mindedness and the English Channel as a contact zone, also including a Gibraltarian point of view. Given the crucial importance of literature in British discourses of national identity, the book calls for, and embarks on, a Euro-British literary studies that highlights the nature and depth of the British-European entanglement.
The European Union after Brexit addresses the ways in which Brexit has changed and will change European Union politics: the forces, mechanisms and stakes of an unprecedented transformation of the European polity. How will the EU operate without one of its key diplomatic and international military partners? What will happen to its priorities, internal balance(s) of power, and legislation without the reliably liberal and Eurosceptic United Kingdom? What are the effects of the Brexit negotiations on the EU? In general, what happens when an ‘ever closer union’ founded on a virtuous circle of economic, social, and political integration is called into question? This book is largely positive about the future of the EU after Brexit, but it suggests that the process of European integration has gone into reverse, with Brexit coming amidst other developments that disrupt the optimistic trajectory of integration. Contributors focus on areas spanning foreign policy, political economy, public policy, and citizenship, with chapters covering topics such as international trade, the internal market, freedom of movement, the European legal system, networks, security relations, social Europe and the impact of Brexit on Central and Eastern Europe. Chapters are grounded in comparative politics, political economy, and institutionalist approaches to politics and economics.
English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere is the first sustained research that examines the inter-relationships between English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere. Much initial analysis of Brexit concentrated on the revolt of those ‘left behind’ by globalisation. English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere analyses the elite project behind Brexit. This project was framed within the political traditions of an expansive English nationalism. Far from being parochial ‘Little Englanders’, elite Brexiteers sought to lessen the rupture of leaving the European Union by suggesting a return to trade and security alliances with ‘true friends’ and ‘traditional allies’ in the Anglosphere. Brexit was thus reassuringly presented as a giant leap into the known. Legitimising this far-reaching change in British and European politics required the re-articulation of a globally oriented Englishness. This politicised Englishness was underpinned by arguments about the United Kingdom’s imperial past and its global future advanced as a critique of its European present. When framing the UK’s EU membership as a European interregnum followed by a global restoration, Brexiteers both invoked and occluded England by asserting the wider categories of belonging that inform contemporary English nationalism.
nonetheless lives on – and it might be strengthened, becoming more precise and more effective, in an EU without the UK. This chapter first discusses relevant underlying social dynamics within the EU, principally to do with labor mobility, and how Brexit will change them. The UK has been the labor market of last resort for the continent for some years, and that has shaped careers, life chances, and policy options for all EU member states. Without the UK labor market as part of Europe, options for Europeans, and for British policymakers, will change. In general, it will be
expertise and validation, are important to understanding both the progress of European integration and the use made of the European policy space thereby created.
It is also not hard to see the reasons why Brexit should change the meaning and impact of these networks. The United Kingdom, reflecting its size, wealth, relatively functional labor markets (see Chapter 4 ), and sheer power as a scientific and research country, was well represented in European meetings. Its agencies were influential in European deliberations, its experts sat on and chaired technical working
The outcome of the ‘Brexit’ referendum of 23 June 2016 generated shockwaves across Europe. Much of the initial attention focused on analyzing factors that explained the outcome of the referendum. Although the request for withdrawal from the European Union was submitted under Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, the nature and type of Brexit continues to remain contentious in domestic political debates. As questions of borders, budgets and barriers are still seemingly unresolved and intractable, the economic and political effects of Brexit will be
The future of the EU is in question, and not just because of Brexit, which is only one of the many crises that have hit the Union in recent years. The Eurozone crisis, the refugee crisis, and the ongoing security crisis are equally problematic. But how Brexit occurs, whether very hard or somewhat ‘soft’, may have a significant impact on future European integration. At the same time, future integration – its form and content – will also have an impact on how the UK engages with the EU going forward. This chapter discusses the various options for the
Paul Kingsnorth, John Berger and the pros and cons of a sense of place
French influence. 1
The author is largely successful in keeping the narrative within the discursive and intellectual boundaries of the medieval world it depicts. However, Adam Thorpe noticed, in his Guardian review of the novel, ‘a subdued sense that [it] intends a modern parallel with our own dispossessed times’ (Thorpe, 2014 ). 2 I propose a reading of The Wake in the context of the imminent Brexit; indeed, I want to read it as a Brexit-novel. 3 Usually, apocalyptic or post-apocalyptic novels are set in the near or not so near future. 4 The Wake , on the
attributed federalizing aims and which the European Court has suggested is ‘destined to be the fundamental status of nationals of the Member States’ (Maas 2014 , 2017b ). The right to live, work, and study anywhere within the EU usually tops public opinion surveys asking Europeans what the EU means to them, and these rights are enormously popular across the EU, even in the UK (Maas 2017a , 584). Whichever form Brexit takes – hard, soft, simply symbolic, or even cancelled entirely – free movement is a significant issue in the process. This chapter examines the effects of