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This book introduces the reader to emerging research in the broad field of 'imperial migration' and shows how this 'new' migration scholarship had developed our understanding of the British World. This is done through an analysis of some of former colonies of British Empire such as Australia, Canada, India and Zambia. The book focuses on the ideas of Reverend Thomas Malthus of how population movements presaged forces within sectors of a pre-industrial economy. The formation of national and imperial identities along racial lines in the mid-nineteenth century is covered by an analysis of the mid-nineteenth century British censuses. The clergy played a pivotal role in the importation and diffusion of a sense of British identity (and morality) to Australian churchgoers. The resistance and accommodation of Welsh Presbyterianism in Eastern Bengal is investigated through the varieties of engagement with Indian Christians and non-Christians. The book argues that Asian migration and the perceived threat it posed to the settler colonies was an issue which could unite these seemingly incongruent elements of the British World. Child migration has become a very sensitive and politically charged issue, and the book examines one of the lesser studied child migration agencies, the Middlemore Children's Emigration Homes. The book also deals with the cultural cross-currents in the construction of an Anglo-Canadian or 'Britannic' national identity. The white settlers' decisions to stay on after independence was granted to Zambia are instructive as it fills an important gap in our understanding of Africa's colonial legacy.
overall male unemployment – measured as slightly higher in the British census sample (5.3 per cent) than in the American data (4.5 per cent) – and so does not tell us anything about relative disadvantage. Homing in on the differences between the bars, though, we can see that African Americans are a little more than twice as likely to be out of work as white Americans, the same sort of ratio as is found between Pakistani-Bangladeshis and the white majority in Britain. Aside from African Americans, however, the biggest American minorities fare reasonably well by British
tensions within British national and imperial identity, particularly as they related to racial proportions in both metropole and colonies. The British census, which has been conducted every ten years, beginning in 1801, played a major role in allowing people to visualise their nation in new ways. As a technology capable of describing the nation as a whole, the census allowed people to view that
Great Britain Censuses of Population 1951–2001. Note: 1951–81 data are largely based on place of birth; 1991 and 2001 data are based on the ethnicity question. similar and come from a part of the British Isles, but this is a debatable decision which further underlines the way that preconceptions come into play whenever we carve society up into numbers. Indeed, if a longer historical view is taken, it becomes apparent that ‘native Britishness’ is itself the product of diversity. Over the millennia, the supposed pure-bred Brit was in fact distilled from a mix of the
State, see Kilbracken, Reminiscences , 174–6. 6 Census data for 1881 comes from the 1881 British Census and National Index: England, Scotland, Wales, Channel Islands, Isle of Man, and Royal Navy , CD-ROM set (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints
measures of poverty are shown for Britain and the US. In the US, local poverty rates are based on comparing census income data to a local poverty line. In the British census there is no income question, so neighbourhood poverty is measured using a deprivation index that is based on factors such as the number of families in the areas receiving means-tested benefits. Population turnover is measured as the proportion of residents in an area to have moved in recently. is much less stark – the coefficients of 0.12 for diversity and 0.17 for poverty are at least in
Gore Booth: An image of such politics 11 British Census 1901, RG13, Piece 3748, Folio 131, p. 8. 12 Christabel Pankhurst, Unshackled, pp. 51–2. 13 The Women’s Library, London Metropolitan University, box 7: TBG, Teresa Billington-Greig papers, undated holograph notes. 14 Ibid. 15 Manchester Central Library, M50/2/1/225, Fawcett Manuscripts, letter from Margaret Ashton to Millicent Fawcett, 16 January 1906. 16 Daily Mail (10 January 1906). 17 For further discussion see: Sonja Tiernan, ‘Tabloid Sensationalism or Revolutionary Feminism? The First-wave Feminist Movement
agrarian communities to emigrate; areas still locked into a pre-industrial sector of the economy that was being forced to engage with monumental economic forces from outside. 102 The formation of national and imperial identities along racial lines in the mid-nineteenth century is the theme of Kathrin Levitan’s incisive analysis of the mid-nineteenth century British censuses. Initiated in 1801, the British
by the British census in 1851 had been exaggerated.55 Second, Crafts and Harley found that Deane and Cole had placed too much weight on to the leading sectors of ‘modernising’ industry, especially the cotton industry. When Crafts and Harley assigned an appropriately smaller weight to these rapidly growing industries to represent their share of total output in benchmark years, their contribution to rates of output growth was correspondingly reduced. This further dampened the high rates of economic growth found by Deane and Cole, smoothing out the discontinuity they
with ‘the Irish in Britain’ addressed themselves to governmental institutions and the public sphere. 30 Focused initially on securing access to local policy networks, from the mid-1980s activists turned increasingly to building a case for ethnic recognition at the national level, combining demands for identity recognition and socio-economic redistribution, and coming to centre on the inclusion of an ‘Irish’ ethnic category on British census forms. At the heart of the discourse generated around ethnic mobilisation thus lay a dynamic of application and refusal whereby
