Very large numbers of people began to depart the British Isles for the New Worlds after about 1770. This was a pioneering movement, a rehearsal for modern international migration. This book contends that emigration history is not seamless, that it contains large shifts over time and place, and that the modern scale and velocity of mobility have very particular historical roots. The Isle of Man is an ideal starting point in the quest for the engines and mechanisms of emigration, and a particular version of the widespread surge in British emigration in the 1820s. West Sussex was much closer to the centres of the expansionary economy in the new age. North America was the earliest and the greatest theatre of oceanic emigration in which the methods of mass migration were pioneered. Landlocked Shropshire experienced some of the earliest phases of British industrialisation, notably in the Ironbridge/Coalbrookdale district, deep inland on the River Severn. The turmoil in the agrarian and demographic foundations of life reached across the British archipelago. In West Cork and North Tipperary, there was clear evidence of the great structural changes that shook the foundations of these rural societies. The book also discusses the sequences and effects of migration in Wales, Swaledale, Cornwall, Kent, London, and Scottish Highlands. It also deals with Ireland's place in the more generic context of the origins of migration from the British Isles. The common historical understanding is that the pre-industrial population of the British Isles had been held back by Malthusian checks.
modernity also lead to the structural
retardation of regions supplying natural resources?
By the early nineteenth century, Dutch economic leadership was being
supplanted by British: not only in terms of Europe, but the world. Britishindustrialization was long characterized by the export of raw material or low-value
products, but during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it underwent a
transformatory process of improving labour productivity in agriculture, import
substitution, achieving technical leadership in low-quality consumer goods, and
a vigorous re
economy and the Industrial
Revolution: a restatement’, University of Oxford Discussion Papers in
Economic and Social History, 115 (Oxford, 2013). For a critical perspective on the increasing emphasis among economic historians on high
‘The Andover Cannibalism’
wages and plebeian demand, see Joel Mokyr, ‘Is there still life in the pessimist case? Consumption during the Industrial Revolution, 1790–1850’,
The Journal of Economic History, 48:1 (1988), 69–92; Sara Horrell,
‘Home demand and Britishindustrialization’, Journal of
400,000 gallons of condensing
water per day to serve engines of from 90–120 h.p. See First report of the commis-
The waterfront and the factory
sioners appointed in 1868 to inquire into the best means of preventing the pollution
of rivers (P.P. 1870, Vol. XL), pp. 680–6, 700–1.
MALSU, MS Q 658 972 GA1, W. & J. Galloway, Letter Book, 1841–55, 12 October
1844, to Mr Mellor, Manchester. See also N. Von Tunzelmann, Steam power and
Britishindustrialization to 1860 (Oxford: Oxford University Press