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Understanding Britain’s extreme right
Author: Paul Jackson

"Pride in Prejudice offers a concise introduction to the varied extreme right groups active in Britain. It looks to the past, in order to explore the roots of this complex movement, while focusing on the numerous groups and activists that make up Britain’s contemporary extreme right. This timely analysis examines the extreme right movement in terms of ideology and appeal, organisational styles, online and offline activism, approaches to leadership, types of supporters and gendered dynamics. Jackson also evaluates successes and failures in policy responses to the extreme right, and identifies the on-going risks posed by lone-actor terrorism.

Showcasing the latest research, Pride in Prejudice argues that Britain has never been immune from the extreme right, and demonstrates the movement has a long history in the country. It is made up of a wide variety of organisations, helping give this marginalised culture a diverse appeal and many are attracted for emotive as well as more rational reasons. While risks posed by the extreme right are manageable, Jackson concludes that this is only possible if we make ourselves aware of the ways the movement operates, and that by doing so we can also make multicultural liberal democracy more robust.

Abstract only
Paul Jackson

, including the National Front Support Group, Our Nation and the British National Party . Some organisations the dictionary identified were close to the Conservative Party, such as the Monday Club . Ó Maoláin’s dictionary also included entities for phenomena such as Lady Jane Birdwood ’s broadsheet Choice , a publication that carried the telling strapline ‘Racialism is

in Pride in prejudice
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

remained challenging a hidden Jewish conspiracy, and that the BNP still sought a political and demographic revolution should it come to power. The British National Party was able to become a more established presence for nearly a decade as from 1999. Under Griffin’s leadership, it changed its image with enough success and campaigned in local areas with enough energy to attract

in Pride in prejudice
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

primarily on ethnographic research of the National Front , British National Party and English Defence League supporters. Even with this focus there is a diversity of people. From the BUF to the National Front It is worth reflecting on early groups to help capture a sense of the many social types drawn to the extreme right space. Studies of interwar fascist groups, such as the

in Pride in prejudice
David Renton

successful or easy; part of the story also involves long periods of attrition, during which anti-fascism had little obvious success at all. 1997 Seasoned anti-fascists viewed New Labour’s victory at the 1997 general election with scepticism. The previous Labour government had provided a favourable context for the National Front (NF), whose rapid growth under Wilson and Callaghan had been halted by the success of the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) between 1977 and 1979.1 By 1997, Britain’s largest fascist party, John Tyndall’s British National Party (BNP), was in a robust position

in Against the grain
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Trish Winter and Simon Keegan-Phipps

[…] the British people retain their homeland and identity, we call for an immediate halt to all further immigration […] We will abolish the ‘positive discrimination’ schemes that have made white Britons second-class citizens. (British National Party, 2010) The use of ‘indigenous’ or related term in such contexts, alongside references to homelands and birth-rights, renders it objectionable to the majority of the people in England to whom the discourse is directed. The mention of ‘white Britons’ indicates the thinly veiled racial motivations of the organisation, and

in Performing Englishness

change, through this period, and did it adapt successfully or not to the rapidly changing world around it? In what sense at the beginning of the twenty-first century could the Cathedral act as a symbol of challenge or as a symbol of unity and reassurance in contemporary culture, when considering, for example, the 2007 furore surrounding the use of the Cathedral in the computer game ‘Resistance: Fall of Man’, or the picketing of the Cathedral in 2009 by the British National Party? In a way that once must have

in Manchester Cathedral
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

This chapter examines the wide range of gendered identities within the British extreme right, past and present. It comments on the appeal of women to interwar fascist groups as an important corrective to those who see this movement as one only appealing to men. Women’s roles were important in the National Front, British National Party and English Defence League as well. Masculinities are also important to consider, and the chapter examines how men can often feel a sense of frustration, while the extreme right space reflects these concerns and offers alternate male ideals to gravitate around, sometimes set in hypermasculine terms. Finally, it explores how gendered politics can be developed to express prejudices, such as the homonationalism that celebrates LGBTQ identities to frame Muslim communities as stereotypically illiberal.

in Pride in prejudice
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The 2005 mayoral elections
Colin Copus

defeat is doubtful, but it is interesting to note that the sitting mayor secured only 106 first-round votes more than his British National Party opponent, and was nearly pushed into fourth place. Unfortunately, the timing of the election and the point at which this book was completed did not make research into the reasons for the mayor’s defeat possible (there is clearly a fascinating case study in the making with the Stoke election result). Also of note is the Doncaster result, with an independent candidate coming a very strong second after the counting of second

in Leading the localities
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

twentieth century, these small organisations are seen as the most typical manifestations of fascist activism, and the two fascist regimes in Italy and Germany were the outliers. Finally, groups such as the National Front in the 1970s and the British National Party in the 1990s showed there was a growing level of support at the ballot box for overtly racist politics

in Pride in prejudice