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Dark imaginer

This book explores the diverse literary, film and visionary creations of the polymathic and influential British artist Clive Barker. It presents groundbreaking essays that critically reevaluate Barker's oeuvre. These include in-depth analyses of his celebrated and lesser known novels, short stories, theme park designs, screen and comic book adaptations, film direction and production, sketches and book illustrations, as well as responses to his material from critics and fan communities. The book examines Barker's earlier fiction and its place within British horror fiction and socio-cultural contexts. Selected tales from the Books of Blood are exemplary in their response to the frustrations and political radicalism of the 1980s British cultural anxieties. Aiming to rally those who stand defiant of Thatcher's polarising vision of neoliberal British conservatism, Weaveworld is revealed to be a savage indictment of 1980s British politics. The book explores Barker's transition from author to filmmaker, and how his vision was translated, captured, and occasionally compromised in its adaptation from page to the screen. Barker's work contains features which can be potentially read as feminine and queer, positioning them within traditions of the Gothic, the melodrama and the fantastic. The book examines Barker's works, especially Hellraiser, Nightbreed, and Lord of Illusions, through the critical lenses of queer culture, desire, and brand recognition. It considers Barker's complex and multi-layered marks in the field, exploring and re-evaluating his works, focusing on Tortured Souls and Mister B. Gone's new myths of the flesh'.

Gender and the Conservative Party, 1880s to the present

Historians and political scientists have deemed the twentieth century 'the Conservative Century', owing to the electoral and cultural dominance of the Conservative Party in Britain. This book traces the relationship among women, gender and the Conservative Party from the 1880s to the present, and thereby seeks to fill that gap. A gender inclusive approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of political machinations, power and the unprecedented popularity of both conservatism and unionism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The suffragette Christabel Pankhurst, was regarded as a charismatic, radical figure, who was the co-leader of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), a notorious suffrage organization campaigning for the parliamentary vote for women in Edwardian Britain. In 1928 Lady Iveagh, Vice-Chairman of the National Union of Conservative Associations (NUCA), claimed that one million women were members of the Conservative Party. The book focuses on how the Primrose League re-made itself for its female members between 1914 and 1932. It shows that the Conservative Party leadership and male candidates were keen to present themselves as the champions of home interests, playing up their family-man credentials against their rowdy electoral culture of Labour. The book also examines inquires how the deliberate choice of middlebrow rhetoric as well as the language of citizenship enabled Conservative women to construct a cross-class language of democracy. It explores British conservatism, highlighting the history of the Tory Party as part of the study of women and their sectional interest in 'the politics of gender'.

Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001
Mark Garnett

economic ideas. The years 1997 to 2001 were merely part of a period in which there was widespread agreement on these matters, so that governments were judged on their competence more than their convictions. What is ‘conservatism?’ The nature of British conservatism has been vigorously contested for much of the post-war period, and after the electoral meltdown of 1997 it was reasonable to expect a flurry of impassioned speeches and pamphlets setting out rival interpretations. Michael Oakeshott, whose name is invoked with respect by almost everyone who addresses this

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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Mark Garnett and Kevin Hickson

already made by Enoch Powell and Keith Joseph and therefore discussed at length already in this book. The more interesting theme to emerge from a discussion of Redwood’s contribution to BritishConservatism’ is the emergence of Euroscepticism in the Party. The ideas are interrelated – part of Redwood’s distaste for European integration comes from his advocacy of economic liberalism as will be developed in this chapter. However, the Eurosceptic position is not a unified one within the Conservative Party and so the chapter will discuss the range of arguments made by

in Conservative thinkers
Philip Lynch

engagement in the EU. Hague emphasised the importance of the nation to British Conservatism and sought to renew the party’s position as the champion of the nation in the light of new challenges.5 To restore their political fortunes, the Conservatives had to be a national party, understanding and drawing upon British identity and values. The defining features of British identity were individualism, a spirit of enterprise, social mobility – with Hague praising the contribution of immigrants to British culture – and attachment to locality and the ‘little platoons’ of civil

in The Conservatives in Crisis

How do leading Conservative figures strive to communicate with and influence the electorate? Why have some proven more effective than others in advancing their personal positions and ideological agendas? How do they seek to connect with their audience in different settings, such as the party conference, House of Commons, and through the media?

This book draws analytical inspiration from the Aristotelian modes of persuasion to shine new and insightful light upon the articulation of British conservatism, examining the oratory and rhetoric of twelve key figures from Conservative Party politics. The individual orators featured are Stanley Baldwin, Winston Churchill, Harold Macmillan, Iain Macleod, Enoch Powell, Keith Joseph, Margaret Thatcher, Michael Heseltine, John Major, William Hague, Boris Johnson, and David Cameron. Each chapter is written by an expert in the field and explores how its subject attempted to use oratory to advance their agenda within the party and beyond.

This is the first book to analyse Conservative Party politics in this way, and along with its companion volume, Labour Orators from Bevan to Miliband, marks an important new departure in the analysis of British politics. It will be of particular interest to students of Conservative Party politics, conservatism more broadly, British political history, ideologies and party politics, and communication studies.

Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

change, arguing for reflection, reassessment, and a willingness to consider the possibility that reformers might be mistaken. They believe that one should be very cautious about removing or radically changing old and long-lasting institutions and ways of life. This was the argument of Edmund Burke, especially his Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790). Burke, almost the ‘founding father’ of British conservatism, was a

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Clarisse Berthezène and Julie V. Gottlieb

contradiction in terms between feminism and British conservatism? Do we need to differentiate between feminism and other forms of women’s political empowerment? Is it more helpful to make a distinction between women in party politics and women in politics to advance a feminist agenda? To illuminate this debate we need to know first how the Conservative Party organised women. Women gained the local government vote in 1869, if they were independent householders, mainly as widows or single women with good incomes. They could be elected to school boards and Poor Law boards from

in Rethinking right-wing women
Conor Mulvagh

present study must address regarding Irish Nationalist MPs. An unapologetically less structured work than Jackson’s, R.B. McDowell’s British Conservatism, 1832–1914 is a masterpiece of a now outmoded but nonetheless excellently researched and presented school of historical writing.69 McDowell’s work sits alongside George Dangerfield’s and A.J.P. Taylor’s in stylistic terms. It has a broad and impressionistic quality to it which has been criticised by later historians despite its vividness and its ability to synthesise and capture the zeitgeist of their chosen era.70 In

in The Irish Parliamentary Party at Westminster, 1900–18
Ideology and values
Richard Hayton

) is a school of thought within conservatism, which remains a distinctive ideological family committed to a limited form of politics (O’Sullivan, 2013). As such it is worth noting that the word ‘conservatism’ is used here primarily in reference to the Conservative Party, but that is not to say that that conservatism is simply shorthand for the positions taken by the party – rather it is to suggest that ‘the two are intimately linked’ (Norton, 2008: 324). Philip Norton has argued that ‘the Conservative party has a set of beliefs that comprise British Conservatism and

in David Cameron and Conservative renewal