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Learning slowly between Sunningdales?
Eamonn O’Kane

5 British government policy post 1974: learning slowly between Sunningdales? Eamonn O’Kane The collapse of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing Executive in May 1974 represented the failure of the policy that the British government had hoped would restore stability to the region. As Dixon noted, Merlyn Rees had told the House of Commons when the consultative Green Paper was launched in 1972 that, if the plan was rejected, ‘it would mean needing to face up to a complete reappraisal of policy by any British government, because the basis on which that government had

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland
Bill Jones

This chapter deals with the issue of policy-making in British government, and presents the various models of policy-making such as the Westminster model, the ruling-class model, pluralism, corporatism, and the party government model. Jennifer Lees-Marshment reckons parties design their messages for their 'markets' and refashion them when they prove inappropriate. The chapter highlights the three stages of policy cycle, namely initiation, formulation and implementation, with the consequences of the measure then feeding back to influence future inputs. It reviews the various constraints upon the policy-makers such as finance, time, and political support. Ensuring that the people are delivered prosperity is the sine qua non of democratic government, so this area of policy is the most important. Policy has to overcome the disadvantages Britain suffers economically.

in British politics today
Bill Jones

government. Northern Ireland Executive established (but subsequently repeatedly suspended until 2007). 1999 The Assembly set up for Northern Ireland. Most hereditary peers abolished from the Lords but the final stage of reform – a wholly or at least partially elected Lords – is still awaited. 2007 Hard-line Protestant Ian Paisley became First Minister in the Northern Ireland Executive and former IRA leader Martin McGuinness his Deputy. Epilogue From being an absolute monarchy at the close of the Dark Ages, British government saw the evolution of

in British politics today
Florence D’Souza

’s past, and their respective recommendations to the British Government in India. In addition to their published works, especially concerning their assessment and conception of the future of British rule in India, I will refer to the testimonies both Mill and Tod gave to the British House of Commons Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company in 1831 and 1832, in preparation for the British Government’s renewal

in Knowledge, mediation and empire
Lior Lehrs

Duddy worked selflessly and at great risk to himself over many years to bring about a peaceful settlement in Northern Ireland and credit for his achievements is long overdue. … Neither the British government nor the IRA leaders felt able to take the next step and it was Duddy who pushed them into it. Jonathan Powell 1 Introduction

in Unofficial peace diplomacy
Bill Jones

This chapter examines how economic changes have affected Britain over the centuries, and presents some thoughts on the absence of a modern British revolution. It presents an account of Britain's economic history, the class developments and differences, and the absence of a modern revolution despite astonishing levels of income inequality. The Gini coefficient is produced by relating the wealth and income of the rich to those of the poor; a high rating means high inequality, while a low one means less inequality. According to this index, Sweden, Denmark and Holland are at the top while Britain is low down the table, along with the United States. The chapter briefly explains Charles Murray's terming of the poor as the underclass who were not subscribing to the values of society and indulging in crime and drugs. It also deals with regional differences in the British society owing to geography, gender and ethnicity.

in British politics today
Abstract only
British POW families, 1939–45

During the Second World War, some 250,000 British servicemen were taken captive either by the Axis powers or the Japanese, as a result of which their wives and families became completely dependent on the military and civil authorities for news of their loved ones and for financial and material support. This book outlines the nature of their plight, and shows how they attempted to overcome the particular difficulties they faced during and in the immediate aftermath of hostilities. It opens up a whole new area of analysis and examines the experiences of the millions of service dependents created by total war. Taking as its starting point the provisions made by pre-Second World War British governments to meet the needs of its service dependents, the book then goes on to focus on the most disadvantaged elements of this group – the wives, children and dependents of men taken prisoner – and the changes brought about by the exigencies of total war. Further chapters reflect on how these families organised to lobby government and the strategies they adopted to circumvent apparent bureaucratic ineptitude and misinformation. The book contributes to our understanding of the ways in which welfare provision was developed during the Second World War.

Martyn Powell

This essay focuses upon the controversy surrounding Lord George Townshends appointment as Irish viceroy in 1767. He was the first viceroy to be made constantly resident and therefore it was a shift that could be seen as part of a process of imperial centralization, akin to assertive British policy-making for the American colonies and India. Up until this point there has been some doubt as to whether Townshend himself or the British Government was the prime mover behind this key decision. This article uses the Caldwell-Shelburne correspondence in the John Rylands Library,to shed further light on this policy-making process, as well as commenting on the importance of Sir James Caldwell, landowner, hack writer and place-hunter extraordinaire, and the Earl of Shelburne, Irish-born Secretary of State and later Prime Minister, and reflecting on the historiography,of the Townshend administration and Anglo-Irish relations more generally.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Fabrice Weissman

the Islamic State (IS) in 2014, did not prevent their execution. On the contrary, the silence of their organisation and the media may have bolstered the jihadist movement’s claim that they were spies, while enabling the British government to maintain, unchallenged, its intransigent no-negotiations policy ( Dettmer, 2014 ; Simon, 2014 ). In other words, while controlling information shared internally and with the public is one of the key factors in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Writing about Personal Experiences of Humanitarianism
Róisín Read
,
Tony Redmond
, and
Gareth Owen

and stale’ humanitarian narrative. RR: Were there particular ethical, legal or political concerns that shaped your writing? How did you deal with these elements? TR: I had to make sure that patients could not be identified. This meant changing some of their personal characteristics and ensuring that the particular hospital could not be definitively identified. Because I was referring to work I’ve done for the British government, the document was reviewed by a barrister. Their only comment was that I should get the permission of a doctor in Kosovo that I quoted

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs