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Shetland 1800–2000
Author: Lynn Abrams

This book is about the relationship between myth-making and historical materiality. It is a singular case study of the position and experience of women in a 'peripheral' society distanced - geographically, economically and culturally - from the British mainland. The book first looks at women and gender relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries through examination of the construction of historical myth. It then looks at economic and demographic factors that underpinned the materiality of women's dominance of culture. An understanding of women's work patterns and experiences is central to any analysis of women's lives in Shetland and the gender relations contingent upon this. Shetland women were autonomous, independent workers whose day-to-day productive experiences implicated them in all sorts of social and economic relationships outside the home. The book argues that women's culture in Shetland actually had only a marginal connection to the islands' dominant economic activity - fishing. It also argues that the negligible figures for children born outside wedlock are a poor guide to understanding the moral order in nineteenth-century Shetland. Like the new visitors to Shetland, the historians of the early twenty-first century would ordinarily reach the same conclusions. They would do so, at root, because the authors are equipped with the same myth system of discourse about what constitutes women's subordination and power. The book seeks to navigate the issue of 'power' by approaching it in terms which the Shetland woman understood in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Histories of Black resistance to British policing
Adam Elliott-Cooper

Insurrection , 1981) In 1976, John La Rose addressed an audience in Brixton (south London), the unofficial capital of Black Britain, and delivered a speech about coming ‘alive’ to racism. Marking the first anniversary of  Race Today , Britain’s most influential radical Black magazine, La Rose laid out the political urgency of such a journal, through a retelling of the history of Black resistance to British power. 1 The often-repeated narrative, La Rose explained, is that all Caribbean people arriving on the British mainland were full of an almost naive excitement

in Black resistance to British policing
Film, television drama and the Northern Irish conflict in Britain
John Hill

relation to Britain. This will be followed by a consideration of the representation of the IRA’s activities on the Britishmainland’ and the ways in which the IRA came to symbolise a horrifying but also apparently unintelligible threat to British institutions. This then leads into an analysis of how the miscarriages of justice that followed in the wake of the IRA’s bombing campaigns were turned into dramas that began to subject the British State to criticism. The chapter then concludes with some consideration of the ‘peace process’ and the relative scarcity of dramas

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
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Adam Elliott-Cooper

As this book has demonstrated, black resistance to British policing stretches beyond the shores of the British mainland and long before the Windrush generation arrived in England. Crucially, resistance to policing continues to be a central focus of radical grassroots campaigns in Britain. The summer of 2020 saw some of the largest anti-racist protests in British history, with more radical currents offering a revolutionary vision for a world beyond police and prisons. This revolutionary black politics draws on the anti-colonial and Black Power movements of previous decades, while also offering fresh ideas and tactics for how contemporary campaigns can bring about the social transformations the world so desperately needs.

in Black resistance to British policing

As police racism unsettles Britain’s tolerant self-image, Black resistance to British policing details the activism which made movements like Black Lives Matter possible. Colonial legacies and newer forms of state power are used to understand racism beyond prejudice and the interpersonal: black resistance confronts a global system of racial classification, control, exploitation and violence. Adam Elliott-Cooper offers the first detailed account of grassroots anti-racist resistance to policing in Britain since the 2011 ‘riots’. British racism stretches back further than Windrush and beyond the shores of the British mainland. Imperial cultures and policies, as well as colonial war and policing, are used to highlight connections between these histories and contemporary racisms. But this is a book about resistance, considering black liberation movements in the twentieth century while utilising a decade of activist research covering spontaneous rebellion, campaigns and protest. Drawing connections between histories of resistance and different kinds of black struggle against policing is vital, it is argued, if we are to challenge the cutting edge of police and prison power which harnesses new and dangerous forms of surveillance, violence and criminalisation. The police and prison systems are seen as beyond reform, and the book argues that to imagine a world free from racism we must work towards a system free from the violence and exploitation which would make that possible.

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Adam Elliott-Cooper

Middle East, North America, South and South East Asia and nearly a third of the African continent made racism one of Britain’s most enduring ideological exports. 3 This book will trace the patterns of racism which were central to Britain’s capacity to exploit and control the lands and peoples of its colonies, shaping the racisms of the twenty-first century. Keeping the dirty business of slavery, genocide and racist rule physically distant from the British mainland is one of the ways Britain was able to absolve itself of its shameful endeavours and retain its

in Black resistance to British policing
Bussing, race and urban space, 1960s–80s
Author: Olivier Esteves

In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.

Riots and extraparliamentary participation
Matt Qvortrup

withhold VAT payment from HM Customs and Excise in 1975 (civil disobedience); • the 1984–1985 miners’ strike (demonstrations and riots against the Conservative Government’s decision to close unprofitable coal mines); • the 2000 petrol crisis (physical obstruction of petrol-filling stations in protest against high fuel duties); • the Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) bombing campaign on the British mainland from the early 1970s to the signing of the Good Friday Peace Agreement in Belfast in 1998 (terrorism); M801 QVORTRUP TEXT MAKE-UP.qxd 60 5/4/07 1:42 PM Page 60 Gary

in The politics of participation
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Immigration law’s racial architecture
Nadine El-Enany

record and control the movement of indentured Indian labourers who were being increasingly relied on across the British Empire to replace the labour of former slaves following the abolition of slavery.33 In 1838 the British Parliament introduced the first formal regulation of ‘free’ British subjects. Colonial authorities treated overseas territories as exceptional places wherein the movement of ‘free’ subjects could be governed, even though this was not the case on the British mainland. This treatment was justified on the basis of the supposed inferiority of racialised

in (B)ordering Britain
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Leanne McCormick

intent on retaining links with Britain and appeared to have little in common with its Catholic southern counterpart, on issues pertaining to sexuality and, in particular female sexuality, they displayed more similarities than differences. Both governments saw their state as being morally superior to the British mainland. Maintaining high moral standards, or at least maintaining the image of high moral standards, was important to both the Churches and the government in Northern Ireland. Policing female sexuality played a crucial role. Women were seen as representing the

in Regulating sexuality