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Martyn Powell

This essay focuses upon the controversy surrounding Lord George Townshends appointment as Irish viceroy in 1767. He was the first viceroy to be made constantly resident and therefore it was a shift that could be seen as part of a process of imperial centralization, akin to assertive British policy-making for the American colonies and India. Up until this point there has been some doubt as to whether Townshend himself or the British Government was the prime mover behind this key decision. This article uses the Caldwell-Shelburne correspondence in the John Rylands Library,to shed further light on this policy-making process, as well as commenting on the importance of Sir James Caldwell, landowner, hack writer and place-hunter extraordinaire, and the Earl of Shelburne, Irish-born Secretary of State and later Prime Minister, and reflecting on the historiography,of the Townshend administration and Anglo-Irish relations more generally.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Series: Pocket Politics

British defence policy often appears to be a complex construct, surrounded by confusing technicalities. But it is not difficult to understand if the essential anatomy is properly understood. This book distinguishes the six most important elements in British defence policy – its essential anatomy – and outlines each of them using the most up to date information and statistics. It examines the costs of defence policy, the equipment choices, the personnel and human factors that make up military forces, the operational experience of British forces since the Cold War, the strategic policymaking structures for defence and finally the plausible futures it faces. Throughout this anatomy a series of difficult policy questions, as well as a number of broader conceptual challenges, constantly recur and in the final chapter on ‘futures’ these questions are drawn together in a critique of current British defence policy. This book is intended to take the atmosphere of technical obscurity – and much of the jargon – out of a wide range of highly specialised defence studies literature and distil it to give the reader a way of understanding this particular policy sector and the tools with which to make their own judgements about Britain’s defence policy during the current era.


The neo-classical troopers' memorial of New Zealand, together with others around the former British Empire, illustrates the manner in which the South African War became a major imperial. This book explores how South Africa is negotiating its past in and through various modes of performance in contemporary theatre, public events and memorial spaces. Opinion on the war was as divided among white Afrikaners, Africans, 'Coloureds' and English-speaking white South Africans as these communities were from each other. The book analyses the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a live event and as an archive asking throughout how the TRC has affected the definition of identity and memory in contemporary South Africa, including disavowed memories. It surveys a century of controversy surrounding the origins of the war and in particular the argument that gold shaped British policy towards the Transvaal in the drift towards war. The remarkable South African career of Flora Shaw, the first woman to gain a professional position on The Times, is portrayed in the book. The book also examines the expensive operation mounted by The Times in order to cover the war. While acknowledging the need not to overstress the role of personality, the book echoes J. A. S. Grenville in describing the combination of Milner and Chamberlain as a 'fateful partnership'. Current renegotiations of popular repertoires, particularly songs and dances related to the struggle, revivals of classic European and South African protest plays, new history plays and specific racial and ethnic histories and identities, are analysed.

Humanity and relief in war, Britain 1870–1914

The history of relief work is in its infancy. This book draws on new archival research to reveal the priorities of nineteenth-century relief workers, and the legacies of their preoccupations for relief work today. It first explores the inauguration of the British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War (NAS) at the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870 under the figurehead of Loyd Lindsay. Then, the book sees the revival of the NAS for work in the Balkans during a period of nationalist violence and Ottoman counter-insurgency which culminated in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. It also follows the staff of relief committees as they dispensed aid in British colonial wars. The book examines the critiques of British policy in the Boer War (1899-1902) emanating from intersecting circles of Quakers, New Liberals and ethicists, and considers these groups' offer of aid to Boer civilians. Further, the book concentrates on the methodologies of relief for Boer inmates of British concentration camps in South Africa and on the implications of this relief for its intended recipients during and after the war. It concentrates on aid to British soldiers. The book closes by tracing continuities in vocational practices and dispositions to emerging areas of concern in the post-war period, in particular child welfare, and briefly considers their implication for relief work today.

Learning slowly between Sunningdales?
Eamonn O’Kane

been working would have been shown to be false’ (Dixon, 2008: 128). This policy failure was intensified by the fact that there was little agreement within British policy-making circles as to what could be put in its place. As Harold Wilson recorded in his memoirs, after the collapse in 1974, ‘while it may have seemed negative, almost defeatist, the Government inevitably had no new proposals for the future of the Province. The initiatives taken at Darlington, and Sunningdale, the policies of the Heath government and of our own had reached a dead end. No solution could

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland
British policy integration
Shizuka Oshitani

8 Competition and pressure: British policy integration Britain has sought to integrate environmental concerns into policy decision-making at all levels. To this end, the first environment white paper introduced two institutions which would ‘ensure that … environmental issues are fully weighed in decisions’. One was the Cabinet Committee for the Environment, chaired by the Prime Minister. This was later replaced by the Ministerial Committee on the Environment, chaired by the Leader of the House of Lords instead of the Prime Minister. The other was the

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain
Abstract only
Foredoomed to failure?
Kent Fedorowich

needs coincided with conditions in the dominions which favoured a large incursion of British subjects. This signal, which was being sounded in the late 1920s, was heard loud and clear by British policy makers during the severe depression of 1929–33. Similarly, it emerged that these same British policy makers were becoming increasingly sensitive to the dominions’ viewpoint regarding British immigration and

in Unfit for heroes
The view from Budapest
László Borhi

according to Giscard ruled out even Austria’s entry. 59 Meanwhile, earlier, in July 1989 Mitterrand had told Bush that ‘the Warsaw Pact might have to exist to the end of the century for stability’.60 British responses Alongside France, Britain was the architect of the inter-war order in Central Europe. London had sought to balance the French presence in the McDermott and Stibbe, The 1989 Revolutions.indd 123 28/03/2013 10:42:18 124 The East European revolutions region and had tried unsuccessfully to identify a state on which to build British policy but soon became

in The 1989 Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe
P. J. McLoughlin

later explained: ‘That would have reverberated through other elections. It was a no-win situation. We would have drowned in the deluge … [and] become one more victim of British policy.’8 But by abstaining from these critical contests, the SDLP allowed the emergence of a serious political challenge. The Provisionals, surprising themselves as much as the British government, discovered that they had significant electoral support amongst the Catholic community. Seeking to build on this, the movement’s political wing, Sinn Féin, subsequently announced that it was willing

in John Hume and the revision of Irish nationalism
Migration in the last gasp of empire
Kathleen Paul

opening of the Scottish Parliament but can be traced back to the early postwar period – a period when, for political and economic reasons, Britain was battling to retain at least the shadow of the British Empire while coming to terms with the fact that the substance was on the brink of disappearing. At that time, British policy-makers sought to use the myth of a single, universal Britishness as one means

in British culture and the end of empire