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departments, called ‘agencies’, to undertake the routine work while ministers concentrated on the bigger issues. Is local government important? Most definitely, but the gradual stripping of power from local authorities since the middle of the last century and the strangling of their financial freedom of action has made local government less attractive to able people and less interesting to voters, who rarely turn out in force for local elections. How important is Europe to British politics? Crucial. The European Union touches British politics in all kinds of ways
'Politics' with a big 'P' is concerned with how we, individuals and groups, relate to the state. This book commences with a definition of political activity with a focus on conflict, and government and democracy. Britain is, arguably, the oldest democracy in the world, though it took many centuries for it to evolve into its current 'representative' form. Conflict resolution depends on the political system involved. The book draws together all the elements of government, explaining the British system of governance, which is democracy but utilises representatives. Civil service advises ministers and carries out the day- to-day running of government. The book then describes the transformation of the British system of governance from an absolute monarchy to a representative democracy. It examines how economic changes have affected Britain over the centuries, and presents some thoughts on the absence of a modern British revolution. It presents an account of Britain's economic history, the class developments and differences, and the absence of a modern revolution despite astonishing levels of income inequality. Factors that might influence the political culture of Britain are discussed next. The book also touches upon the sources of British constitution, the process of constitutional amendments prevailing in the U.S. and Britain, current British politics, and the development of pressure groups in Britain. Finally, the history of party government in Britain, and details of the Conservative Party, Labour Party, the Social and Liberal Democrats, House of Commons, and Britain's international relations are discussed.
Ch a pter 2 British Politics, Economics and Culture in Fascist Discourse We think with pride to our Mussolinian discipline, which out of a people without an empire, without materials and without resources [coming from] old accumulated wealth, made an ordered and tempered nation, where there are not Laburisti, but everyone is a worker.1 W hile Renzo De Felice argued that Mussolini was convinced the corporative experiment was a long-term one, he also maintained that the Duce was sincerely convinced his new system was the way forward in order to avoid the
during this second consultation stage. The Council then reaches a decision, often via working parties. EU decision-making and British politics The above EU procedures are unfamiliar to British practice and are often portrayed as ‘interference’, even when a minister has approved the decision. The EU’s main impact is on economic policy: it acts as a ‘regulator’, by setting frameworks for competition and various rules affecting agriculture, telecommunications, the environment, energy and equal opportunities. This is akin to technical bargaining between the
, most viewers were moved by this apparently wrongly accused honest man; he received massive support and stayed on the ticket to become Vice President and later President. Politicians all over the world noted how this shamelessly schmaltzy emotional appeal had worked a treat. In the mid-1950s, British political parties began to use the ‘box’ to sell their messages. Macmillan even induced President Eisenhower, in August 1959, to stage an apparently relaxed televised conversation with him in order to improve the Conservatives’ electoral chances in a few weeks’ time
The media have become more complex, with new actors (e.g. spin doctors and marketing people) and a whole new dimension with the internet. This chapter analyses these developments, with brief discussion of bias, voting and language in politics. How important have advertising agencies become in British politics? Until the 1970s, neither of the two big parties bothered with advertising in the professional sense. Propagating political messages via the media was thought to be a job for the specialists: politicians. However, the Conservatives began to use
This book argues that the current problems over Britain’s membership of the European Union are largely as a result of the absence of quality debates during the 1959–84 period. The situation today is also attributed to members of the political elite subordinating the question of Britain’s future in Europe to short-term, pragmatic, party management or career considerations. A particular and original interpretation of Britain and Europe is advanced, aided by recently discovered evidence. This includes the methods used by the Conservative government to ensure it won the vote following the 1971 parliamentary debate on Britain’s proposed entry into the EEC. It also delves into the motives of the sixty-nine rebel Labour MPs that voted against their own party on EEC membership, and how the British public were largely misled by political leaders in respect of the true aims of the European project. This is a study of a seminal period in Britain’s relationship with Europe. Starting from the British government’s early attempts at EEC membership, and concluding with the year both major political parties accepted Britain’s place in Europe, this book examines decision-making in Britain. As such, it contributes to a greater understanding of British politics. It answers a number of key questions and casts light on the current toxic dilemma on the issue of Europe.
6 Myth and counter-myth in Second World War British politics Andrew Thorpe Conventional wisdoms, narratives, stories and myths are all of central importance to political parties. Parties require more than just organisation and discipline to keep them united. Even the smallest needs some degree of agreement over its worldview and a sense of a common explanation of how it, and the world, came to be where they are. To sustain a large party capable of taking power, however, is a particularly considerable challenge, and requires, among other things, a powerful and
The relationship between the Conservative Party and the organised working class is fundamental to the making of modern British politics. Although always a minority, the organised working class was perceived by Conservatives as a challenge, a threat and an opportunity. The book’s fundamental question is ‘why throughout its history was the Conservative Party so accommodating towards the organised working class?’ And why in the space of a relatively few years did it abandon this heritage? For much of the party’s history its leaders calculated they had more to gain from the unions’ political inclusion, but during the 1980s Conservative governments marginalised the organised working class to a degree that previously would have been thought politically disastrous for the party. This shift altered British politics profoundly.
quiet’ about their experiences ( Phillips, 2018 ). This anxiety among whistleblowers about being able to control the narrative is amplified by a wider anti-aid British political agenda. Historically, the Conservative Party has seen overseas aid spending merely as part of Britain’s foreign policy; the agency in charge of aid has been repeatedly rolled up into the Foreign and Commonwealth Office under Conservative governments, and this was floated