This book considers the policy of the George W. Bush administration towards issues such as abortion, sex education, obscenity and same-sex marriage. It suggests that, although accounts have often emphasised the ties between George W. Bush and the Christian right, the administration's strategy was, at least until early 2005, largely directed towards the courting of middle-ground opinion. The study offers a detailed and comprehensive survey of policy making; assesses the political significance of moral concerns; evaluates the role of the Christian Right; and throws new light on George W. Bush's years in office and the character of his thinking.
The third American NWO – the Clinton and Bush presidencies, 1990–2006
The third American NWO – the Clinton
and Bushpresidencies, 1990–2006
Although it is now more than fifteen years since the end of the Cold War,
we are far from having a definitive account to give of President George H.
Bush (1988–1992) and his ‘New World Order’, proclaimed in a speech to
the United Nations in 1990. In that speech Bush launched a third Americaninspired NWO, declaring that we were heading for ‘a world where the rule
of law supplants the rule of the jungle, a world in which nations respect
the shared responsibility for freedom and
This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.
American Journal of Sociology, 102:3 (1996),
18 D. Meinert, ‘Partisan divisions grow in Congress’, The Springﬁeld (IL) State
Journal Register, 19 September 2004, www.la.utexas.edu/~seant/
19 G. C. Jacobson, The BushPresidency and the American Electorate (prepared
for delivery at the conference on ‘The George W. BushPresidency: An
Early Assessment’ at the Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University,
25–6 April 2003 (2003), p. 3.
20 CNN.com, ‘GOP builds on House majority: Republicans consolidate control
they won in 1994’, CNN.com (3 November
The election of Barack Obama was a milestone in US history with tremendous symbolic importance for the black community. But was this symbolism backed up by substance? Did ordinary black people really benefit under the first black president? This is the question that Andra Gillespie sets out to answer in Race and the Obama Administration. Using a variety of methodological techniques—from content analysis of executive orders to comparisons of key indicators, such as homeownership and employment rates under Clinton, Bush, and Obama— the book charts the progress of black causes and provides valuable perspective on the limitations of presidential power in addressing issues of racial inequality. Gillespie uses public opinion data to investigate the purported disconnect between Obama’s performance and his consistently high ratings among black voters, asking how far the symbolic power of the first black family in the White House was able to compensate for the compromises of political office. Scholarly but accessible, Race and the Obama Administration will be of interest to students and lecturers in US politics and race studies, as well as to general readers who want to better understand the situation of the black community in the US today and the prospects for its improvement.
with the subsequent Bushpresidency being noted for a stalemate on
climate policy. The success of AIT towards the end of the Bushpresidency provided a window for reframing the US climate debate (Fletcher,
2009: 807). It also acted as a powerful rallying point for climate critics,
An Inconvenient Truth
both in the mainstream media and the blogosphere, who were opposed
to more stringent action on greenhouse gases.
A struggle ensued over the film’s accuracy, and as AIT gained greater
public visibility a counterpublic emerged that sought to destabilise
A genealogical study of terrorism and counter-terrorism discourses
against jihadist groups in Yemen, Libya, Somalia, Mali, the Philippines and elsewhere under the Bushpresidency. Accordingly, many ( Jackson, 2012 ; Leffler, 2003 ; Miller, 2010 ; Winkler, 2007 ) have argued that the military-oriented counter-terrorism approach was the focus of the Bush administration’s global war on terror, though other approaches like the anti-terrorism legislation and enforcement marked by the PATRIOT Act of 2001 were simultaneously implemented by the Bush administration.
Despite the material practices mentioned above, during the Bushpresidency
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, and a certificate from the Academy of International Law at The Hague. He earned
a Doctorate in International Relations from Oxford University and a
Juris Doctorate degree from Columbia University. Armed with these
impressive academic credentials, he joined the faculty of the prestigious
College of William and Mary, Virginia. The BushPresidency saw him
involved in the active work of foreign policy formation and diplomacy,
becoming Director of Policy Planning at the Department of State under
Secretary of State
was that most of the member
of the Ex Comm changed their minds at least once over the course of
their deliberations. 33 The Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, and George W. Bushpresidencies all developed a systematic national security policy
In contrast, the Bush White House did not adhere to any
regularized policy development process. The president eschewed detailed
years of the Bushpresidency, the link between security and
development abroad and security of the USA itself had been rediscovered and
returned to the fore of US foreign policy. This shift included the adoption of
the Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) concept in Afghanistan and Iraq,
as well as broader efforts to more closely coordinate military, economic and
political elements of nation-building. Now, as during the Cold War, policy
seems driven by and formulated with an analytical framework other than
In today’s foreign policy environment, three