Christian dualism originated in the reign of Constans II (641-68). It was a popular religion, which shared with orthodoxy an acceptance of scriptual authority and apostolic tradition and held a sacramental doctrine of salvation, but understood all these in a radically different way to the Orthodox Church. One of the differences was the strong part demonology played in the belief system. This text traces, through original sources, the origins of dualist Christianity throughout the Byzantine Empire, focusing on the Paulician movement in Armenia and Bogomilism in Bulgaria. It presents not only the theological texts, but puts the movements into their social and political context.
Connections between East and West in the Middle Ages
The fact that leper hospitals emerged in the West around the time of the
crusades has led to a belief that there is a close connection between the
spread of leprosy and the heightened contacts between East and West during
the period of warfare. But the examination of sources of all kinds, from
historical, hagiographical and medical texts, to archaeological and
iconographic evidence, reveals that the disease was present in both the East
and the West prior to the crusades. It is also clear that the sick and the
healthy were travelling as pilgrims to eastern holy sites before the
initiation of the First Crusade in 1095. While the notion that leprosy was
transmitted to the West because of the crusades must therefore be
questioned, the extension of the field of observation towards the Byzantine
world and the Near East is beneficial to our understanding of leprosy in
medieval Europe. The western emulation of eastern attitudes towards
assisting lepers is evident. Eastern influences can be discerned in the
institutional form of the leper hospital, the palliative medical care
offered to lepers and the manner in which lepers were treated as a special
category of the sick. Furthermore, cultural influences did not travel in
only one direction. The strengthening of the contacts between the various
Mediterranean shores that resulted from the crusades led to the
cross-influence of charitable models, shaping the foundation of leper
hospitals, and the identity and treatment of leprosy sufferers, in both West
albigeoise ( Paris, 1951 )
J. Hamilton and B. Hamilton , eds, Christian Dualist Heresies in the
ByzantineWorld, c. 650–c. 1405 ( Manchester,
Jacobus de Voragine [James of Varazze], The Golden
Legend , ed. V. G. Ryan, 2 vols ( Princeton, 1993 ), I, pp. 254–66 (Peter Martyr); II, pp. 44–58 (Dominic)
Saxony, On the Beginnings of the Order of Preachers , ed.
S. Tugwell ( Dublin, 1982 )
C. Léglu , R. Rist and C. Taylor , eds, The Cathars and the Albigensian Crusade
Janet Hamilton, Bernard Hamilton, and Yuri Stoyanov
interpreted the Old and New
Testaments in accordance with their cosmological premises, and claimed
that they had received the esoteric teaching of Christ which unlocked
the mysteries of the sacred writings, but which was concealed from
ordinary Christians belonging to the Great Church. 7
There is no evidence known to us of
organized Gnostic groups surviving in the Byzantineworld after the
ByzantineWorlds, c.650–c.1405 (Manchester,
1998), pp. 44–5; index entry ‘Bogomil churches’, p. 320.
There are difficulties in the Latin and geography of this passage on
boundaries, and it is worth consulting the discussion and translation provided by B.
Hamilton, ‘The Cathar Council of Saint-Félix reconsidered’, Archivum
Fratrum Praedicatorum 48 (1978), 40–2.
Variant reading in one of Besse’s ms. copies. The printed text
and the other copy give 1232
, ‘Military service’, pp. 13–15; J. Haldon, Byzantium in the seventh century. The transformation of a culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2nd edn, 1997), pp. 147–9, 229–32.
J. Haldon, Warfare , State and society in the Byzantineworld, 565–1204 (London: UCL Press, 1999), pp. 60–6, 71–83; A. Eger, The Islamic-Byzantine frontier: interaction and exchange among Muslim and Christian communities (London: Tauris, 2015
. Krause (eds) MGH Legum sectio II Capitularia regum francorum 2 (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1895–7), no. 273.
See J. Haldon, Warfare, state and society in the Byzantineworld, 565–1204 (London: Routledge, 1999).
Even to some extent by me: G. Halsall, Barbarian migrations and the Roman
Zach. HE 7.6.c. See too J. Crow, ‘Fortifications and urbanism in late Antiquity. Thessaloniki and other eastern cities’, in L. Lavan (ed.), Recent research in late antique urbanism (Portsmouth, RI: JRA Supplement Series), pp. 89–105; E. Zanini, ‘Technology and ideas. Architects and master-builders in the Byzantineworld’, in L. Lavan, E. Zanini and A. Sarantis (eds), Technology in transition, A. D. 300–630 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 381–405.
scholars range from those who regard
the letter as based on observation of things that were actually there – albeit clothed
in biblical language, and perhaps partly mistaken – to those who regard the
letter’s contents as pure fantasy, dreamt up to stimulate crusade. For an example of
the former, see J. and B. Hamilton, eds, Christian Dualist Heresies in the ByzantineWorld, c. 650–c. 1405 (Manchester, 1998), pp. 263–4; for an example of the
latter, J.-L. Biget, ‘Un faux du xiii e siècle? Examen
d’une hypothèse’, in M