Murder Capital is a historical study of suspicious deaths, unexpected deaths whose circumstances required official investigation, in mid-twentieth-century London. Suspicious deaths – murders in the family and by strangers, infanticides and deaths from illegal abortions – reveal moments of personal and communal crisis in the social fabric of the city. The intimate details of these crimes revealed in police investigation files, newspaper reports and crime scene photographs hint at the fears and desires of people in London before, during and after the profound changes brought by the dislocations of the Second World War. By setting the institutional ordering of the city against the hidden intimate spaces where crimes occurred and were discovered, the book presents a new popular history of the city, in which urban space circumscribed the investigation, classification and public perceptions of crime.
achieves through a lengthy process of practices, actions, and lifestyle
performances that must then be evaluated by the squatters movement as
Achieving the status of authentic squatter requires, first,
the ability to demonstrate a complicated mix of functional skills and
activist performances with a sense of naturalness and ease –
which I term squatter capital.
The second characteristic of authenticity is how a squatter
defines themselves, in hostile opposition, to a series of imagined
The starting-point for the book is its chapter on methodology. Found here are not only critiques of conventional Soviet Marxism-Leninism and post-modernism, but also a new rethinking of the classic dialectic. For the most part, however, the book focuses on revealing the new quality now assumed by commodities, money, and capital within the global economy. The market has become not only global, but a totalitarian force that is not a ‘socially neutral mechanism of coordination’. It is now a product of the hegemony of corporate capital, featuring the growth of new types of commodity: information, simulacra, and so forth. The book demonstrates the new qualities acquired by value, use value, price, and commodity fetishism within this new market, while exploring the contradictions of non-limited resources (such as knowledge) and the commodity form of their existence. Money is now a virtual product of fictitious financial capital, possessing a new nature, contradictions, and functions. This analysis of the new nature of money helps to reveal the essence of so-called financialisation. Capital has become the result of a complex system of exploitation. In the twenty-first-century context this exploitation includes the ‘classic’ extraction of surplus value from industrial workers combined with internal corporate redistribution of income by ‘insiders’; international exploitation; and the exploitation of creative labour through the expropriation of intellectual rent.
The book is a comparative analysis of Scotland, Ireland and Wales’s participation in the English East India Company between c.1690 and c.1820. It explains the increasing involvement of individuals and networks from these societies in the London-based corporation which controlled contact between the early modern British and Irish Isles and one hemisphere of world trade. Scottish, Irish, and Welsh evidence is used to consider wider questions on the origins, nature and consequences of the early modern phase of globalisation, sometimes referred to as ‘proto-globalisation’. The book contributes to such debates by analysing how these supposedly ‘poorer’ regions of Europe relied on migration as an investment strategy to profit from empire in Asia. Using social network theory and concepts of human capital it examines why the Scots, Irish and Welsh developed markedly different profiles in the Company’s service. Chapters on the administrative elite, army officers and soldiers, the medical corps and private traders demonstrate consistent Scottish over-representation, uneven Irish involvement and consistent Welsh under-representation. Taken together they explore a previously underappreciated cycle of human capital that involved departure to Asia, the creation of colonial profits, and the return back of people and their fortunes to Britain and Ireland. By reconceptualising the origins and the consequences of involvement in the Company, the study will be of interest to historians of early modern Scotland, Ireland, Wales and Britain, the East India Company and the early phases of British imperialism in Asia.
While post-war popular cinema has traditionally been excluded from accounts of national cinemas, the last fifteen years have seen the academy’s gradual rediscovery of cult and, more, generally, popular films. Why, many years after their release, do we now deem these films worthy of study? The book situates ‘low’ film genres in their economic and culturally specific contexts (a period of unstable ‘economic miracles’ in different countries and regions) and explores the interconnections between those contexts, the immediate industrial-financial interests sustaining the films, and the films’ aesthetics. It argues that the visibility (or not) of popular genres in a nation’s account of its cinema is an indirect but demonstrable effect of the centrality (or not) of a particular kind of capital in that country’s economy. Through in-depth examination of what may at first appear as different cycles in film production and history – the Italian giallo, the Mexican horror film and Hindi horror cinema – Capital and popular cinema lays the foundations of a comparative approach to film; one capable of accounting for the whole of a national film industry’s production (‘popular’ and ‘canonic’) and applicable to the study of film genres globally.
Technology is capital: Fifth Estate’s critique of
‘How do we begin to discuss something as immense as technology?’, writes T.
Fulano at the beginning of his essay ‘Against the megamachine’ (1981a: 4).
Indeed, the degree to which the technological apparatus penetrates all elements
of contemporary society does make such an undertaking a daunting one.
Nevertheless, it is an undertaking that the US journal and collective Fifth Estate
has attempted. In so doing, it has developed arguably the most sophisticated and
Karl Marx, Evald Ilyenkov, and the dialectics of the twenty-first century
Aleksander Buzgalin and Andrey Kolganov
As we noted in the Foreword to the English Edition, the best proof of the correctness of Marxism has to be its ability to answer the challenges of the modern epoch.
What have Marxists achieved in the past half-century in the quest for a new Capital , and what have they not achieved? What needs to be done if such a work is to emerge?
While positivism and postmodernism, which do not even recognise the challenge of developing Marxism, have dominated the modern social
Far from signifying ‘free
trade’ or removal of all international barriers, the
neoliberal period was characterised by only relative trade
freedom and open capital markets compared with other periods of
monopoly capitalism. Nevertheless, the policy reveals, among other
things, the high degree of economic power enjoyed by the imperialist
states collectively and the domination
Social capital in
Those who build walls are their own prisoners. I’m going to go fulfill
my proper function in the social organism. I’m going to go unbuild walls.
(Ursula K. Le Guin, The Dispossessed)
Social capital and Bourdieu
“Anarchists of the world … unite!”
This tongue-in-cheek joke reflects the commonly held belief that anarchists
do not work well with others. Most people assume that anarchists are
extreme individualists, unwilling to compromise, or collaborate in groups
(i.e., every person is “an island,” completely independent of
the core capitalist countries]’. 2 However, it was not
‘the economic system’ that resisted downward movement
of prices. Rather, the new monopolies themselves resisted downward
pressure on the prices of the commodities they produced.
For non-monopoly capital, downward pressure on the
prices of their produce remained, and still remains. That
pressure, which reflects their non