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Paschasius Radbertus' funeral oration for Wala of Corbie
Authors: Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

This book presents a new and accessible translation of a well-known yet enigmatic text: the ‘Epitaph for Arsenius’ by the monk and scholar Paschasius Radbertus (Radbert) of Corbie. This monastic dialogue, with the author in the role of narrator, plunges the reader directly into the turmoil of ninth-century religion and politics. ‘Arsenius’ was the nickname of Wala, a member of the Carolingian family who in the 830s became involved in the rebellions against Louis the Pious. Exiled from the court, Wala/Arsenius died Italy in 836. Casting both Wala and himself in the role of the prophet Jeremiah, Radbert chose the medium of the epitaph (funeral oration) to deliver a polemical attack, not just on Wala’s enemies, but also on his own.

The historical context of the ninth-century Cologne Codex Carolinus manuscript (Codex Vindobonensis 449)
Dorine van Espelo

24 Rulers, popes and bishops: the ­ historical context of the ninth-century Cologne Codex Carolinus manuscript (Codex Vindobonensis 449) Dorine van Espelo A unique source in many respects, the Codex epistolaris Carolinus comprises ninety-nine papal letters that were sent to the Carolingian court between 739 and 790.1 These are mostly addressed to the Frankish rulers Charles Martel, Pippin III, Carloman and Charlemagne, but there are also three letters grouped together in the collection about Adoptionism sent by Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops. The letters

in Religious Franks
Politics and ecclesiology in the ninth century
Tom Noble

791, following the unexpected death of his predecessor Angilram. In this position at court Hildebald became, from this point onwards, responsible for maintaining relations between the Frankish court and the bishops of Rome. New on the job, he may have required access to the Carolingian–papal diplomatic relations of the past decades, for which the papal letters to the Carolingian court would have been crucial sources. Could this explain why the papal correspondence was suddenly compiled into a coherent collection in 791? If this indeed was the case, the Codex

in Religious Franks
Abstract only
Paganism, infidelity and biblical punishment in the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae
Robert Flierman

outlawed pagan custom and refusal to come to baptism, he must have been trying to convert pagan Saxons. However, by the time the Capitulatio was drawn-up  – the 780s, or more likely the early 790s – the Carolingian court had already ceased thinking about the Saxons as pagan outsiders. From a Carolingian perspective, the Saxons were Christian members of the realm, if notoriously untrustworthy and unfaithful ones. The Capitulatio, then, was not advocating a policy of sword-point conversion. It was cracking down on infidelity. Such a reading not only brings the Capitulatio

in Religious Franks
Dealing with the Adoptionist controversy at the court of Charlemagne
Rutger Kramer

2 Adopt, adapt and improve: dealing with the Adoptionist controversy at the court of Charlemagne Rutger Kramer In the late eighth century, the Carolingian court heard of a potential threat to Christian stabilitas that required their immediate attention. The bishops Elipandus of Toledo (c. 755–c. 808)  and Felix of Urgell (c. 780–99, †818) preached an understanding of the nature of the Trinity that, as far as the Carolingians were concerned, dissented from what they regarded as orthodoxy. According to these Spanish bishops, Christ was the adoptive son of God, a

in Religious Franks
Abstract only
The case of Hincmar of Laon in the Annals of St-Bertin
Christine Kleinjung

order concerning kingship, episcopal office and Church property were discussed. The authors of such texts, however, could not expect their papers to be strong enough to be successful in every case. They just tried to present texts in different situations and for different audiences. The Carolingian courts can be identified as one important centre of intellectual debates, and the court audience, as well as a synodal audience, was supposed to be addressed by these texts. 16 In the case of Hincmar of Laon, as different concepts of order clashed

in Hincmar of Rheims
Maximilian Diesenberger

correction. A similar discourse of corruption and correctio gained importance in the Frankish world in the later eighth and ninth centuries, as Mayke de Jong has so eloquently underlined.95 It is possible to discern connections between Ambrose and the reform programmes initiated by the Carolingian court. Probably the Frankish court was responsible for his election; certainly the Frankish king was directly concerned with the succession in San Vincenzo afterwards. After Ambrose resigned 89 Admonitio generalis, c. 62, p. 212. 90 Alcuin, Epp. 188 and 217, ed. E

in Religious Franks
Yitzhak Hen

.), Carolingian Essays. Andrew Mellon Lectures in Early Christian Studies (Washington, DC, 1983), 1–69]; D.  Bullough, Alcuin. Achievement and Reputation (Leiden/Boston, MA, 2004). See also the papers in L.  Houwen and A.  MacDonald (eds), Alcuin of York. Scholar at the Carolingian Court; Proceedings of the Third Germania Latina Conference Held at the University of Groningen, May 1995, Germania Latina 3 (Groningen, 1998); Ph. Depreux and B. Judic (eds), Alcuin de York à Tours. Écriture, pouvoir et réseaux dans l’Europe du haut Moyen Âge (Tours, 2004). 4 See D. Ganz, ‘Mass

in Religious Franks
Sven Meeder

customs, and all while attempting to gain a status of authority on matters of monastic discipline. The basis of this authoritative position is without doubt his abbacy of the monastery founded by Benedict himself. Although Monte Cassino is never explicitly mentioned by name or geographical location, the abbey – sacrum nostrum coenobium – is unmistakably ever-present in the letter that introduced the ‘pure’ copy of the Rule to the Carolingian court. The weight for bread was found here (in hoc est loco repertum); the measure for drink constitutes what Theodemar

in Religious Franks
Reccared and Charlemagne
Janneke Raaijmakers and Irene van Renswoude

to the Second Council of Nicaea in 787. As this council was a complete failure in the eyes of the Carolingian court, it may have given Charlemagne cause to take the lead in doctrinal issues that threatened large parts of the Christianitas and to turn to the ecumenical councils of old as a source of inspiration for his role at Frankfurt. In the Opus Caroli regis, the first official response of the Carolingian court to the outcome of Nicaea II, Theodulf of Orléans seems to wonder why the Franks should not convene an ecumenical council.69 The Byzantine Empress Irene

in Religious Franks