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Language, symbols and myths

The struggle in projects, ideas and symbols between the strongest Communist Party in the West and an anti-Communist and pro-Western government coalition was the most peculiar founding element of the Italian democratic political system after the Second World War.

Until now, most historians have focused their attention on political parties as the only players in the competition for the making of political orientations and civic identities in Italian public opinion. Others have considered Italian political struggle in the 1940s and 1950s in terms of the polarisation between Communism and organised Catholicism, due to the undoubted importance of the Church in Italian culture and social relations.

This book enlarges the view, looking at new aspects and players of the anti-Communist ‘front’. It takes into account the role of cultural associations, newspapers and the popular press in the selection and diffusion of critical judgements and images of Communism, highlighting a dimension that explains the force of anti-Communist opinions in Italy after 1989 and the crisis of traditional parties. The author also places the case of Italian Cold War anti-Communism in an international context for the first time.

Devotion, association and community
S. Karly Kehoe

Catholic associational culture in urban Scotland created closer links with the nation and with the ambitions of the British state by looking at the kinds of organisations being established. There was a marked increase in the number and variety of societies and associations after 1870 that enhanced people’s spiritual commitment to the church and promoted community consolidation. The roots of the devotional initiatives had been sown by the religious communities through their education and social welfare work, and they helped to connect people more closely with the local

in Creating a Scottish Church
Michael Carter-Sinclair

large-scale church building programme. But many supporters expected to build on these initial successes in the mission to create the conditions that would lead to fundamental change. Catholic associations and their circle Individual Catholic societies, often small in terms of members, and in particular active members, had no direct political power. They did, however, have access to a number of resources. For instance, their work was supported by donations from non-members. 9 According to Father Hulesch of Döbling, five-sixths of funds for the local Vincent de

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

prepared for an authoritarian path by the likes of Seipel and a legacy of authoritarian government under the Empire. The corporate state showed that its roots stretched back into the values that supported the Empire. Its pillars were the Church and Catholic associations, the army and the police. The Heimwehr was a new addition to this old set of reactionaries. 24 The closest ally of the new regime, the Church, also favoured authoritarianism. In Portugal, the Salazar dictatorship, often described as fascist, but in reality an authoritarian state with a streak of

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse
Andrew Shields

Catholic. Rosse’s early years in parliament also coincided with one of the most volatile periods in Irish political life, that is, the period leading up to the Scaife 2000, 14. 1 Mollan, William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse double column foonotes.indd 122 08/05/2014 10:39:32 The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse 123 introduction of Catholic Emancipation in 1829. Those years saw a rising Catholic militancy in the country, a militancy which was, perhaps, best exemplified by the formation of the Catholic Association in 1823. These years also

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse
Abstract only
Peter Murray
Maria Feeney

Association, the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) and the Knights of Saint Columbanus. Three Railways and a Bank was the title given to a pamphlet collecting articles published in 1901 by the weekly Leader alleging widespread discrimination against Catholics in the filling of coveted white-​collar jobs. This prompted the formation of Catholic Shareholders Committees to demand the filling of railway clerkships by open competitive examination in tandem with the launching of a national Catholic Association which aimed to overthrow the economic and social ascendancy of

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
Mervyn Busteed

successively a union secretary, a founder of unions, the editor of a series of short-lived newspapers, a bookseller and a printer. He was also active in support of parliamentary reform, repeal of the union between Ireland and Britain, working-class education and temperance and served two prison terms for his various activities. A devout Catholic, he actively championed Catholic rights, including the emancipation campaign, though working-class interests clearly took precedence. His effort to set up the Manchester and Salford Catholic Association in May 1824, linking Irish

in The Irish in Manchester c. 1750–1921
Gary Waller

and nostalgia, contrition, punishment, and even death; the religious significance of Walsingham may have faded but its liminal ­suggestiveness has remained. It is curious then why Ralegh, determined to assert himself in the ultra-Protestant court of Elizabeth through poetry as well as courtiership, soldiery, exploration, and general opportunism, fastened on to the ballad. Was he aware of its Catholic associations? Did he, simply, just like the tune? Or did his opening lines come to him from some greater awareness of the existing words of the ballad? Or – most

in Literary and visual Ralegh
The evolution of a discipline
Mark O’Brien

the receipt of official favours: it was first with the news, it claimed, by virtue of its efficiency as a news gathering operation.8 Journalistic autonomy As momentum built up behind Daniel O’Connell’s Catholic Association, Michael Staunton established the Morning Register in 1824. Staunton was a former editor of the Freeman’s Journal and had established an unsuccessful Catholic newspaper – the Dublin Evening Herald – in 1821. In Brian Inglis’ account of the development of the press in Ireland, Staunton is credited with radically altering the practises of Irish

in Irish journalism before independence
Michael Foley

instructive. He was the sort of middle class Catholic who was the backbone of the Catholic Association. Lenihan worked for a number of Munster newspapers, before being urged by O’Connell to start a newspaper in Nenagh, Co. Tipperary, advocating repeal. O’Connell himself announced the founding of the Tipperary Vindicator in 1844.9 It would be a mistake to view the development of the press in Ireland, and with it journalistic practice, as one forward move towards greater freedom and influence. The attitudes of British governments towards issues such as press freedom might

in Irish journalism before independence