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17 Catholic Unionism: a case study: Sir Denis Stanislaus Henry (1864–1925) Éamon Phoenix In the quiet Catholic churchyard at Straw, near Draperstown, Co. Derry, a plain rectangular stone marks the grave of the Rt Hon. Sir Denis Henry, Bart., the only Roman Catholic ever to have become an Ulster Unionist MP and the first lord chief justice of Northern Ireland. Denis Stanislaus Henry was born on 7 March 1864, in the townland of Cahore, Draperstown, Co. Derry, the sixth son of James Henry, a wealthy merchant and landowner, and his second wife, Ellen (née Kelly
Identity is contingent and dynamic, constituting and reconstituting subjects with political effects. This book explores the implications of Protestant and 'British' incursions for the development of Irish Catholic identity as preserved in Irish language texts from the early modern period until the end of Stuart pretensions. Questions of citizenship, belonging, migration, conflict, security, peace and subjectivity are examined through social construction, post-colonialism, and gendered lenses from an interdisciplinary perspective. The book explains the issue of cultural Catholicism in the later middle ages, by way of devotional cults and practices. It examines Catholic unionism vis-a-vis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. In particular the North American experience and especially the importance of the USA for consolidating a particular interpretation of Irish Catholic nationalist identity, is explored. Children studied in English Catholic public schools like Stonyhurst and Downside where the establishment Irish Catholics and rising mercantile classes sought to have the characteristics of the Catholic gentleman instilled in their progeny. The book sets out to detect the voices of those Catholic women who managed to make themselves heard by a wider audience than family and friends in Ireland in the years between the Act of Union of 1800 and independence/partition. It considers what devotional interests both Gaelic Irish and Anglo-Norman actually shared in common as part of a wider late medieval Catholic culture.
clearly opposed to home rule and made their loyalty to the Union all too clear. This is a theme taken up by Richard Keogh and James McConnel. Their aim here is to look at the phenomenon of Catholic unionism via the Esmonde family of Co. Waterford. Chapter 16 examines Catholic unionism vis-àvis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the 14 Irish Catholic identities position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. From a study of the Esmondes the authors extrapolate some general conclusions about the
discussion of the Catholic laity. Where the flock and the shepherd are mentioned, it is often assumed that the former followed the latter at all times. The historian Patrick Corish complained of such lazy assumptions in the 260 Faith, wealth and Catholic Unionism early 1980s. The church, he quite correctly noted, ‘is not the same as the clergy, there is the laity as well’, and, as John Henry Newman once pointed out, the church would, after all, ‘look foolish without them’.4 In the post-Famine era Catholic social thought in Ireland and Britain revolved primarily around
plantation of Wexford and eventually received considerable lands, mostly at the expense of the Old English and the native Irish. In 1613 he was elected MP for Co. Wicklow and in 1622 he was made Baron Lymbricke.10 Lawrence’s only son, Thomas (d.1665), was the result of his marriage to Margaret O’Flaherty, the sister of Morrough, dynast of lar-Chonnact. 276 Faith, wealth and Catholic Unionism Concerns that Thomas might be brought up as a Protestant led his mother to leave Lawrence and raise her son among her own family. As an adult, however, Thomas conformed, and like
, essentially over their inability to appease the ‘hawks’ within the UUP. These strands have been further defined as assimilatory (those who believed it was possible to achieve Catholic support for the union) and segregatory (those who believe Catholic unionism would be undesirable).29 As it happened, there was some trouble in the run-up to the July parades in Lurgan. Police had to use a water cannon to disperse nationalist rioters in Edward Street, and there was also rioting in the Kilwilkie and Shankill estates. The authorities estimated that both traditions held