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Drama, reinvention and history, 1647–72
Author: Rachel Willie

Staging the Revolution offers a reassessment of drama that was produced during the commonwealth and the first decade of the Restoration. It complements the focus of recent studies, which have addressed textual exchange and royalist and republican discourse. Not all parliamentarians were opposed to the theatre, and not all theatre was illegal under the commonwealth regimes. Equally, not all theatrical experience was royalist in focus. Staging the Revolution builds upon these findings to examine ways in which drama negotiated the political moment to explore the way in which drama was appropriated as a means of responding to the civil wars and reinventing the recent past and how drama was also reinvented as a consequence of theatre closure. The often cited notion that 1660 marked the return to monarchical government and the rebirth of many cultural practices that were banned under an austere, Puritan, regime was a product of the 1650s and 1660s and it was fostered in some of the dramatic output of the period. The very presence of these dramas and their textual transmission challenges the notion that all holiday pastimes were forbidden. Covering some of the work of John Dryden and William Davenant as well as lesser-known, anonymous and non-canonical writers, the book examines contemporary dramatic responses to the civil war period to show that, far from marking a new beginning, the Restoration is focused upon the previous thirty years.

Seditious memories after the British civil wars
Author: Edward Legon

Parliamentarians continued to identify with the decisions to oppose and resist Crown and established church after the Restoration. By expressing these views between 1660 and 1688, these men and women were vulnerable to charges of sedition or treason. This book examines these ‘seditious memories’ and asks why people risked themselves by expressing them in public. It does so without dismissing such views as evidence of discontent or radicalism, showing instead how they countered experiences of defeat. As well as in speech and writing, these views are shown to have manifested themselves as misbehavior during official commemoration of the civil wars and Restoration. It also considers how such views were passed on from the generation of men and women who experienced civil war and revolution to their children and grandchildren.

Luxury, portraiture and the court of Charles II
Laura L. Knoppers

267 Chapter 13 The French connection: luxury, portraiture and the court of Charles II Laura L. Knoppers W hen, writing in 1660, John Milton made a frantic, last-​minute attempt to stave off the seemingly inevitable return of kingship to England, he contrasted the virtues of a commonwealth, ‘wherein they who are greatest are perpetual servants and drudges to the public at thir own cost and charges’, with a king who ‘must be adored like a demigod, with a dissolute and haughty court about him, of vast expense and luxury’.1 If attacks on luxury had marked

in From Republic to Restoration
Abstract only
Andrew McRae and John West

executed. Further examples of Catholic hostility, like the Armada in 1588 and the Gunpowder Plot in 1605, were commemorated in sermons throughout the seventeenth century. Even the Great Fire of London in 1666 was seen by some as a Catholic conspiracy. Anti-popery powerfully shaped early modern perceptions of history and politics. This began to have an impact on James’s future in 1678. That summer, Titus Oates, a former Church of England minister, revealed details of a Catholic plot to invade England, assassinate Charles II, kill thousands of Protestants and forcibly re

in Literature of the Stuart successions
Revolution and party
Andrew Mansfield

. Following the Restoration, the issues of the Civil War that had led to much bloodshed and regicide still cast a shadow. This chapter will discuss the potential for absolute sovereignty after the Restoration, assessing the political and ideological consequences of Charles II and James II’s reigns. Charles’s reign empowered his brother James II to continue upon a course of absolute royal prerogative that instigated a lasting opposition against the crown’s behaviour. The endeavour cost James II his throne, as his subjects rebelled during the Dutch-led invasion of Britain

in Ideas of monarchical reform
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The origins of the loyal address, 1658– 61
Edward Vallance

the supposedly ‘loyal’ texts sent to Richard, it was unsurprising that the second Lord Protector’s period in office was so notoriously brief. Nonetheless, the value of addresses both as legitimating devices and campaigning tools was recognised by first the restored Rump, then by those campaigning for a ‘free’ Parliament and finally by the Stuart monarchy itself. Although the congratulatory addresses sent to Charles II sought to differentiate themselves from their interregnum predecessors, emphasising the social status

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
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David Brown

Charles II to be restored to his kingdoms in 1660. This is not to say that the Adventurers for Irish land were the sole cause of any of these events, but every political and social system has a tipping point and the Adventurers made forceful interventions on all three occasions. The financial system created by the Adventurers also endures to a considerable degree. The circulation of silver provided the fiscal framework for the development of the Atlantic world and much of the Adventurers’ trade was built upon this foundation. The Adventurers’ control over the silver

in Empire and enterprise
Ritual in loyal addressing
Edward Vallance

Newmarket presented Charles II with the Hallamshire Cutlers’ address. The text was well received, even though Reresby’s Memoirs suggest that the King was not terribly familiar with either Hallamshire or its cutlers. Reresby, however, did not miss the opportunity to use his audience with Charles to score political points, informing the King ‘of a neighbouring justice of the peace (presumably Jessop), who refused to sign of the addresse, though he lived within the compas of Hallamshire, and to discourage others from doing it

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
Subscriptional culture and memory in the 1680s
Edward Vallance

would eventually lead to him facing serious reprisals. 2 Nonetheless, Bower’s letter is indicative of the persistence of the memory of the addressing activity of the Cromwellian period and its importance to political debates in the latter years of Charles II’s reign, especially during the Exclusion Crisis. It was remarkable, in the first place, that the address had come into Bower’s possession at all. Yarmouth corporation had ordered on 3 January 1661 that ‘the Addresse made to Richard Cromwell (the late pr

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727
Robert M. Bliss

Charles II inherited the English colonies by right, and Restoration parliaments did little to direct or to lessen his powers over his American patrimony. The Navigation Act had limited impact on the crown’s colonial decisions, and proposals to annex Jamaica and New England to the crown by legislation came to nothing. 1 Thus, while the crown was forced to adapt to

in Revolution and empire