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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

enforceable at the global level . We know what this looks like because it is how the US has behaved for much of the last eighty to a hundred years. Now we have two major powers, much like we did during the Cold War (which is not to say we are entering another Cold War, the mutual dependence of the US and Chinese economies making that unlikely). As China’s influence, its diplomacy, its money and its power flow into all areas of the international political system, so it will be harder and harder to persuade either indifferent or reluctant states that

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
How rich countries dominate in the twenty-first century
Author: Sam King

"Over a hundred years since the beginning of modern imperialism, the former colonial world is still prevented from joining the club of imperialist powers. The gap between rich and poor countries is not narrowing but growing. China is usually presented as challenging the dominance of the United States and other rich countries. However, imperialist domination over the most sophisticated aspects of the labour process gives the rich countries and their corporations control over the global labour process as a whole – including in China. Third World producers are forced to specialise in the opposite types of work – in relatively simple and low-end labour, for which major price markups and large profits are rarely possible. This is the kernel of unequal exchange in world trade. The imperialist system develops two types of capital – monopoly and non-monopoly capital – and two types of societies – rich, monopoly, imperialist societies and poor, non-monopoly, ‘Third World’ societies. China’s ascendance to become the most powerful Third World country in no way threatens to topple continuing imperialist dominance. Most contemporary Marxist writing has not been focused on global income polarisation and imperialist exploitation of the poor countries. For this reason, it has been unable to explain how exactly the same countries continuously reproduce their dominance. However, the actual conditions of the neoliberal world economy have made explicit how this happens through the labour process itself. In doing so it has also shown how Marx’s labour theory of value can be concretely applied to the conditions of monopoly capital today.

Neil Collins and David O’Brien

to the way it has guided China from the tragedy and poverty that were associated with social experiments, like the Great Leap Forward; (1958–62), to the affluence of the east coast cities and their hinterlands. For most of the citizens, the social contract’s condition of material improvement has been met in considerable part. Since its transition from a centrally planned economy to a free market one, and particularly following the reforms initiated by Deng, the Chinese economy has grown exponentially. Some of this growth is attributable to strategic investment in

in The politics of everyday China
State, market, and the Party in China’s financial reform
Author: Julian Gruin

Over more than thirty years of reform and opening, the Chinese Communist Party has pursued the gradual marketization of China’s economy alongside the preservation of a resiliently authoritarian political system, defying long-standing predictions that ‘transition’ to a market economy would catalyse deeper political transformation. In an era of deepening synergy between authoritarian politics and finance capitalism, Communists constructing capitalism offers a novel and important perspective on this central dilemma of contemporary Chinese development. This book challenges existing state–market paradigms of political economy and reveals the Eurocentric assumptions of liberal scepticism towards Chinese authoritarian resilience. It works with an alternative conceptual vocabulary for analysing the political economy of financial development as both the management and exploitation of socio-economic uncertainty. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork and over sixty interviews with policymakers, bankers, and former party and state officials, the book delves into the role of China’s state-owned banking system since 1989. It shows how political control over capital has been central to China’s experience of capitalist development, enabling both rapid economic growth whilst preserving macroeconomic and political stability. Communists constructing capitalism will be of academic interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of Chinese studies, social studies of finance, and international and comparative political economy. Beyond academia, it will be essential reading for anyone interested in the evolution of Chinese capitalism and its implications for an increasingly central issue in contemporary global politics: the financial foundations of illiberal capitalism.

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The BRICS fallacy
Harsh V. Pant

still trying to catch up. The Chinese economy is not only the second largest in 76 Indian foreign policy the world but also larger than the economies of the other four members combined. China’s power makes the other members nervous, leading them to hedge bets by investing in alternative alliances and partnerships even as China’s rapid accretion of economic and political power adds to its own challenges to make friends. Given the leverage that China enjoys in BRICS, it should come as no surprise that Beijing has suggested that IBSA – the grouping of democracies

in Indian foreign policy
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Neil Collins and David O’Brien

account of China’s role in the world – its dynastic past, nineteenth-century travails and the current revival of fortune. For many, possibly the majority of Chinese citizens, the idea that there is something inevitable in the logic of history to suggest that their political system is a temporary step on the path to a Western version of democracy is just imperialism in another form. The phenomenal success of the Chinese economy is evidence enough for them that improved material conditions for everyday life do not require accessible choice at a political level

in The politics of everyday China
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Neil Collins and Andrew Cottey

. No political system directly commands all resources and, by the same token, none eschews public ownership completely. Nevertheless, China is a noteworthy case in which the underlying balance between the public and private has changed remarkably in recent decades. As an overarching theme, the political economy of China is discussed in this book in terms of the broad choices available to the government of the PRC for regulating economic activity. The success of the Chinese economy is in many ways extraordinary but the balance between the social upheavals associated

in Understanding Chinese politics
Jonathan Benthall

. Hann’s style of social science is more useful to policymakers than Grim and Finke’s, just as charts and geolocation aids, rather than NASA’s Blue Marble, are useful for navigators. The future of religion in China, given the weight of the Chinese economy, is surely of high importance for the world at large. Grim and Finke show that, in the absence of a single national

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Stephen R. Nagy

prior to the slowdown in the Chinese economy and accompanying commodities bust ( Global Business Guide Indonesia, 2015 ). Indonesia has managed and de-prioritised its territorial dispute with China through diplomacy, preferring to prioritise comprehensive relations with China. This approach has been fairly constant, but changing economic relations as a result of the commodities bust, a more assertive China, and the 19 March 2016 incident in which an Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Fisheries patrol ship intercepted a Chinese trawler lowering its nets in waters at

in Japan's new security partnerships
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Wilhelm Vosse and Paul Midford

gambit of equi-balancing’ by ‘pitting one great power against another’. As explained earlier, dependence on the Chinese economy is a central factor in explaining reluctance by some Southeast Asian countries to deepen security ties with Japan. In the future, if the Chinese move away from an export-led, manufacturing-based economy and towards a service-based economy, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Myanmar and Vietnam might have a decreasing economic interest in China. Nagy argues in his chapter that this decline in economic dependency might

in Japan's new security partnerships