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One of the meanings of chivalry is a collective of knights (whence ‘cavalry’): gentry stands as a collective for gentlemen. The word gentleman, in its social sense, is nowadays likely to evoke mentally one of two prototypes, both for most of us culled principally from the literature of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One is the ‘officer and gentleman’ (until

in Gentry culture in late-medieval England

Concerns of linguistic, cultural and military incursion from France emerge more frequently in the wake of the Seven Years’ War. In the literary arena, one of the ways in which these concerns are marked is through the highly-contested national stakes of chivalry. This essay argues that these national stakes of chivalry are negotiated in the realm of the Gothic romance in a particularly fluid and dynamic manner. Addressing recent critical assumptions about the conservatism inherent in prose treatments of medieval chivalry, the essay explores the possibility that Gothic romance recuperates a more positive version of chivalry in the wake of the famous Burke/Wollstonecraft revolutionary debate of 1790.

Gothic Studies
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Chapter 6 The Chivalric Code ‘Religion’, ‘war’, and ‘chivalry’ are three words without which the late medieval mind cannot be understood. After religion, chivalry was perhaps, in the words of the great Dutch historian Johan Huizinga, ‘the strongest of all the ethical conceptions which dominated the mind and the heart’ of late medieval man. From the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, the chivalric ‘code’ determined the way in which western nobles fought and behaved in battle. It was an ideal, a concept to which men should aspire – although whether they could

in Munitions of the Mind

exhaustion, but treated their wives as beasts of burden. 2 One could easily find a ‘strapping young man swinging a cane leading his women to market, bent and deformed beneath 80 lbs. loads of firewood and produce’. 3 Olive Grey awaited the day when ‘chivalry and the tenderness begotten of Christian training’ would reform African men. 4 ‘Wife of a Settler’ in 1931 explained the implications of mixed

in The souls of white folk

150 Ballads and songs of Peterloo 5 j ‘Those true sons of Mars’: chivalry, cowardice and the power of satire Perhaps unsurprisingly, given its title, this is the longest chapter in the book, comprising seventeen poems, with many in other chapters also warranting a place here. As Scrivener aptly notes: Parody, burlesque, and other satirically humorous forms are perhaps the most successful genres of reformist poetry. The implied reader of this comic verse is an already committed reformist, so that the object of such poetry is not to persuade but to delight.1

in Ballads and songs of Peterloo
Nation, History, Gender

This essay discusses the ways in which different models of historical and social development, and especially of the relationship of the Gothic past to the present, might be seen to structure – and help us now to interpret – eighteenth-century Gothic fiction. It begins with an account of the representation of ‘Gothick days’ in James Beattie‘s poem The Minstrel (1771–4), and then gives an overview of how‘ Scottish’ conjectural histories attributed a pivotal modernizing role to feudalism and chivalry, in some cases defining an exceptional Gothic legacy with particular reference to the agency and influence of women. The essay concludes by suggesting that critical attention to different accounts of social development, and contemporary ‘histories of women’, might help to provide a better literary-historical map of eighteenth-century Gothic fiction, and a richer sense of the cultural and political work that that fiction may have performed.

Gothic Studies
Red Cross Knight and Edgar

A word about this paper 1 —not only its subject and approach, but also its kind—to avoid false expectations. In considering Redcross Knight and Edgar as chivalric knights, I explore Spenser’s and Shakespeare’s respective uses of materials from the tradition of chivalric romance. So I rule out source or influence study. Shakespeare knew Spenser’s version, among many

in Shakespeare and Spenser
The beautiful lie

. It prompts questions, but does not answer them. The reader is not told what attitude to take to Gawain, Arthur, the Green Knight/ Bercilak, Morgan, and chivalry itself, as they are represented in the poem. Such an inexplicit narrative method is more than a means of stimulating and holding the reader’s attention. It helps construct the world of chivalry as one where the surface is not necessarily a good guide to what lies beneath. The narrator As in Cleanness and Patience , the narrator brings himself into the narrative from time to time. But he does not act

in Language and imagination in the Gawain-poems

After many years at the margins of historical investigation, the late medieval English gentry are widely regarded as an important and worthy subject for academic research. This book aims to explore the culture of the wide range of people whom we might include within the late medieval gentry, taking in all of landed society below the peerage, from knights down to gentlemen, and including those aspirants to gentility who might under traditional socio-economic terms be excluded from the group. It begins by exploring the origins of, and influences on, the culture of the late medieval gentry, thus contributing to the ongoing debate on defining the membership of this group. The book considers the gentry's emergence as a group distinct from the nobility, and looks at the various available routes to gentility. Through surveys of the gentry's military background, administrative and political roles, social behaviour, and education, it seeks to provide an overview of how the group's culture evolved, and how it was disseminated. The book offers a broad view of late medieval gentry culture, which explores, reassesses and indeed sometimes even challenges the idea that members of the gentry cultivated their own distinctive cultural identity. The evolution of the gentleman as a peer-assessed phenomenon, gentlemanly behaviour within the chivalric tradition, the education received by gentle children, and the surviving gentry correspondence are also discussed. Although the Church had an ambivalent attitude toward artistic expression, much of the gentry's involvement with the visual arts was religious in focus.

A disputed Enlightenment

nineteenthcentury crusade promoter Joseph François Michaud to a specifically Protestant tradition of criticism.1 Yet the philosophical critics held no monopoly on eighteenthcentury attitudes to crusading. Chivalry was not as universally condemned as its later champions would claim. There was no unified rationalist response to the crusades. The ideas of Fleury and of Leibniz that cast the crusades as a stage in the improvement of European civilisation continued to be developed alongside root and branch evisceration of the whole enterprise. There was no simple or single

in The Debate on the Crusades