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Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

: 192), in which distant suffering is given meaning through specific frameworks. In the early twentieth century, humanitarian action was framed within imperialist incentives ( Baughan, 2013 ), and the body in pain was seen as pornographic ( Halttunen, 1995 ). However, the language of international gospel also prevailed ( Torchin, 2006 ), through familiar tropes of Christian martyrdom and biblical iconography. Together with mother-and-child drawings in the illustrated advertisements and appeals, many of these films called out to a broader Christian community in the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Archbishop Wulfstan of York is among the most important legal and political thinkers of the early Middle Ages. A leading ecclesiastic, innovative legislator, and influential royal councilor, Wulfstan witnessed firsthand the violence and social unrest that culminated in the fall of the English monarchy before the invading armies of Cnut in 1016. This book introduces the range of Wulfstan's political writings and sheds light on the development of English law during the early eleventh century. In his homilies and legal tracts, Wulfstan offered a searing indictment of the moral failures that led to England’s collapse and formulated a vision of an ideal Christian community that would influence English political thought long after the Anglo-Saxon period had ended. More than just dry political theory, however, Wulfstan’s works are composed in the distinctive voice of someone who was both a confidante of kings and a preacher of apocalyptic fervour. No other source so vividly portrays the political life of eleventh-century England: what it was, and what one man believed it could be.

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Europe and its Muslim minorities
Amikam Nachmani

loathed the ensuing murder 20 Haunted presents of Catholic priests in Turkey and Nigeria, and the scores of Christians killed during five days of riots in Nigeria that erupted as a result of the publication of the cartoons. ‘If we tell our people they have no right to offend, we have to tell the others they have no right to destroy us.’86 Middle Eastern Christians Reciprocity in the sense of the existence and growth of Christian communities in the Middle East and of Muslim migrant communities in Europe does not exist; Christianity is a vanishing sector in the

in Haunted presents
Suzanne Conklin Akbari

hagiography in their shared medieval contexts’.5 Such an effort requires that we look at the manuscripts in which these texts appear in order to find out how medieval writers and compilers identify the works, and to consider what such identification tells us about reading practices. In the following pages, I will explicate the religious content of the Siege of Melayne, exploring how hagiographic, devotional, and eucharistic themes are used to depict a Christian community characterised by strength in the face of adversity, and wholeness in the face of efforts to fragment the

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Jill Fitzgerald

understanding of medieval power structures through their depiction of adversaries to the English Christian community. In a sense, they legally inscribe the secular canons as rebels to the reformist cause. To discover how, we must look below the surface narrative describing reformers and their hated rivals, at the level of Christian doctrine and salvation history, to understand the full significance of this dispute. Cuneus canonicorum Before turning to the charters more fully, an assessment of what is known about the canons

in Rebel angels
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Anna Green
Kathleen Troup

, thus complicating temporalities in history of loss or mourning. Similarly we can be desensitized when emotions like fear or horror are repeatedly aroused. Joanna Bourke showed us how the fear of death has changed its focus, with the development of medical technologies and differing kinds of exposure to death and dying. Such histories remind us of the importance of the body alongside discourse theory. 37 In the following excerpt, ‘Confronting death’, Rosenwein suggested that we can see different emotional communities within the larger Christian community of pre

in The houses of history
The German Templer colonies in Palestine
Matthew P. Fitzpatrick
Felicity Jensz

model included both of these aspects. Prior to the German Templers, a number of other, predominantly American, religious colonies in Palestine had failed in their own attempts to establish a presence on behalf of the global Christian community. The first American colony in Palestine dated back to 1848, and was established by Cloarinda S. Minor, who was influenced by the apocalypse-preaching Millerites. A

in Imperial expectations and realities
The beginnings and spread of Christianity
Robin Derricourt

st century, a set of traditions had been recorded about Yeshua, including birth to a virgin mother, details of his teaching, his performance of a range of miracles, and his resurrection. The archaeological record begins to show the existence of Christian communities within the Roman Empire only from the late 2nd century, which suggests that the growth of Christianity was both gradual and widely dispersed. T here has been no shortage of debates and discussions published in western languages about the era in which Christianity emerged. A challenge is to distinguish

in Creating God
Bugenhagen and the Reformation in Braunschweig
Esther Chung-Kim

, Bugenhagen reverted to the single fund model in his last order for Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel in 1543. The early Reformation in Braunschweig was a series of ‘small-scale reforming efforts’ that required the consistent work of generations for changes to be implemented. 9 In Germany, the ideals of Christian community were being contested among competing confessional rivals. Although some

in Do good unto all
Menso Alting, discipline, and community in Emden’s social welfare
Timothy G. Fehler

which they shaped both church and society. Thus, Hal Parker utilised poor relief in the cities of Holland as a lens by which to see competing conceptions of Christian community, which were especially visible between civic and ecclesiastical social welfare. 5 For instance, in Amsterdam, the Reformed deacons gave relief only to church members, whereas in Delft non-members were

in Do good unto all