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Bryce Evans

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 10/29/2013, SPi 6 Church and state The key to Ireland is the Church, its pontiffs, the Nuncio, MacRory and McQuaid and I think we should bother less about relations, good or bad, with the Government and more with relations with the Catholic Church. John Betjeman, 21 March 1943 Subsidiary function The exercise of collective responsibility to overcome material shortages infused political, economic and social debate during the Emergency. It also came to affect many aspects of everyday life: Irish people were not used to queuing, yet

in Ireland during the Second World War
Abstract only
Daniel Laqua

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/18/2013, SPi 3 Church and state In the second half of the nineteenth century, Europe experienced intense antagonism between secular and ecclesiastical forces. In Germany, these conflicts peaked with the Kulturkampf of the 1870s; in Italy, they were exemplified by the ‘Rome question’ and the Papacy’s hostility towards the liberal state.1 In France, the legitimacy of the Third Republic was initially contested by an alliance of monarchists and Catholics. Spurred on by Cardinal Lavigerie in 1890, some French Catholics adopted a policy

in The age of internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930
Andrew Sneddon

6 The Bishop of Down and Connor and the established Church and state in Ireland, 1721–39 Despite a recent flurry of interest in the Church of Ireland clergy,1 as T. C. Barnard has pointed out, ‘the characteristics and functions of this profession can only be guessed until the origins, education, careers and wealth of its members have been clarified through prosopographical studies of particular cohorts of graduates and ordinands, and of individual dioceses’.2 The latter study would be particularly welcome in the case of the diocese of Down and Connor, upon

in Witchcraft and Whigs
Alfred and Victorian progress
Joanne Parker

5 ‘The root and spring of everything we love in church and state’: Alfred and Victorian progress At the second planning meeting for the Alfred Millenary celebrations, Conan Doyle asserted, ‘What we are commemorating is not merely the anniversary of the death of King Alfred, but the greatness of those institutions which he founded’.1 The institutions to which he was alluding included the navy, the British Empire, Oxford University and a free education system. In the 1901 commemorations, as we have seen, these claims were represented by processions of academics

in ‘England’s darling’
Stewart J. Brown

In 1869, Parliament disestablished the Church of Ireland, dissolving what Benjamin Disraeli called the ‘sacred union’ of church and state in Ireland. Disestablishment involved fundamental issues – the identity and purpose of the established church, the religious nature of the state, the morality of state appropriation of church property for secular uses, and the union of Ireland and Britain – and debate was carried on at a high intellectual level. With disestablishment, the Church of Ireland lost much of its property, but it recovered, now as an independent Episcopal church with a renewed mission. The idea of the United Kingdom as a semi-confessional Protestant state, however, was dealt a serious blow.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Religion, politics and the past in post-revolutionary England

Reformation without end reinterprets the English Reformation. No one in eighteenth-century England thought that they lived during ‘the Enlightenment’. Instead, they thought that they still faced the religious, intellectual and political problems unleashed by the Reformation, which began in the sixteenth century. They faced those problems, though, in the aftermath of two bloody seventeenth-century political and religious revolutions.

This book is about the ways the eighteenth-century English debated the causes and consequences of those seventeenth-century revolutions. Those living in post-revolutionary England conceived themselves as living in the midst of the very thing which they thought had caused the revolutions: the Reformation. The reasons for and the legacy of the Reformation remained hotly debated in post-revolutionary England because the religious and political issues it had generated remained unresolved and that irresolution threatened more civil unrest. For this reason, most that got published during the eighteenth century concerned religion. This book looks closely at the careers of four of the eighteenth century’s most important polemical divines, Daniel Waterland, Conyers Middleton, Zachary Grey and William Warburton. It relies on a wide range of manuscript sources, including annotated books and unpublished drafts, to show how eighteenth-century authors crafted and pitched their works.

Author: John Privilege

This book provides a review and consideration of the role of the Catholic Church in Ireland in the intense political and social changes after 1879 through a major figure in Irish history, Michael Logue. Despite being a figure of pivotal historical importance in Ireland, no substantial study of Michael Logue (1840–1924) has previously been undertaken. Exploring previously under-researched areas, such as the clash between science and faith, university education and state-building, the book contributes to our understanding of the relationship between the Church and the state in modern Ireland. It also sets out to redress any historical misunderstanding of Michael Logue and provides a fresh perspective on existing interpretations of the role of the Church and on areas of historical debate in this period.

Peace, progress and prestige
Author: Daniel Laqua

This study investigates internationalism through the prism of a small European country. It explores an age in which many groups and communities – from socialists to scientists – organised themselves across national borders. Belgium was a major hub for transnational movements. By taking this small and yet significant European country as a focal point, the book critically examines major historical issues, including nationalism, colonial expansion, political activism and international relations. A main aim is to reveal the multifarious and sometimes contradictory nature of internationalism. The Belgian case shows how within one particular country, different forms of internationalism sometimes clashed and sometimes converged.

The book is organised around political movements and intellectual currents that had a strong presence in Belgium. Each of the main chapters is dedicated to a key theme in European history: nationhood, empire, the relationship between church and state, political and social equality, peace, and universalism. The timeframe ranges from the fin de siècle to the interwar years. It thus covers the rise of international associations before the First World War, the impact of the conflagration of 1914, and the emergence of new actors such as the League of Nations.

With its discussion of campaigns and activities that ranged beyond the nation-state, this study is instructive for anyone interested in transnational approaches to history.

Church and state reimagined
Robert G. Ingram

Chapter 15 Neither a slave nor a tyrant: Church and state reimagined I n May 1736, The Old Whig, a London newspaper committed to the Dissenting interest, carried a piece by ‘Atticus’ criticizing William Warburton’s recent Alliance between Church and State. Warburton had defended the Church of England’s legal establishment ‘from the Essence and End of Civil Society, upon the Fundamental Principles of the Law of Nature and Nations’.1 Atticus, though, complained that the Alliance’s defence of religious establishments ‘does not even make Pretension to Truth’.2 A

in Reformation without end
Eoin Daly and Tom Hickey

of the right to religious freedom is already elaborated in Chapter 2, in this chapter we focus primarily on formulating a republican analysis of the constitutional separation of Church and State – a principle which, in the Irish context, assumes an idiosyncratic (and highly qualified) form. Drawing on the republican principles explored in previous chapters, we suggest that constitutional Church–State separation should not be understood – at least primarily – simply as a safeguard for individual choice in the religious domain. Instead, it can be interpreted as

in The political theory of the Irish Constitution