of Tasmania, was a Howley protégé), or because their
activities in the SPG or Churchreform qualified them for continuing the
Church revival overseas. Robert Gray’s role in setting up SPG
parochial associations after 1840 was a factor in his appointment;
Edward Feild (appointed to Newfoundland, 1844) came to the notice of
Bishop Blomfleld because of the reports he wrote for the National
When members of that oft-maligned institution, the Anglican Church – the 'Tory Party at prayer' – encountered the far-flung settler empire, they found it a strange and intimidating place. Anglicanism's conservative credentials seemed to have little place in developing colonies; its established status, secure in England, would crumble in Ireland and was destined never to be adopted in the 'White Dominions'. By 1850, however, a global ‘Anglican Communion’ was taking shape. This book explains why Anglican clergymen started to feel at home in the empire. Between 1790 and 1860 the Church of England put in place structures that enabled it to sustain a common institutional structure and common set of beliefs across a rapidly-expanding ‘British world’. Though Church expansion was far from being a regulated and coordinated affair, the book argues that churchmen did find ways to accommodate Anglicans of different ethnic backgrounds and party attachments in a single broad-based ‘national’ colonial Church. The book details the array of institutions, voluntary societies and inter-colonial networks that furnished the men and money that facilitated Church expansion; it also sheds light on how this institutional context contributed to the formation of colonial Churches with distinctive features and identities. The colonial Church that is presented in this book will be of interest to more than just scholars and students of religious and Church history. The book shows how the colonial Church played a vital role in the formation of political publics and ethnic communities in a settler empire that was being remoulded by the advent of mass migration, democracy and the separation of Church and state.
almost inevitable that the Church would perennially need to undertake reform. 1 That said, there have been times in the past, at least from the perspective of hindsight, when cries for Churchreform seem to have been especially pronounced, periods that have come to be identified as effectively ‘ages of reform’ such as the early fourth century, the late sixth century, the Iconoclast period and the sixteenth century, to say nothing of the mid-twentieth century. Yet perhaps none of these periods has so dominated the discourse of reform as that of the eleventh century
of bishops, further weakening supervision.
Such concerns led statesmen and churchmen of all parties to
demand churchreform. The very first proposal in the first report of the
Ecclesiastical Commission established in 1835 was for a diocese for
Respect for life-interests and concern about constitutional
repercussions (which initially required that new sees be counterbalanced
by mergers), however, meant that it was not until 11 February 1848 that
James Prince Lee was enthroned as the
a monastery. As mentioned previously, historical details identify the
Tractatus ’s anonymous king as Diarmait Mac Murchada, one of
twelfth-century Ireland’s most powerful figures. This king of Leinster sponsored
significant Irish churchreforms and was patron of several religious establishments and
structures built in the new Romanesque style. 51
He is perhaps the most well-known Irish figure in contemporary accounts of the
English conquest of Ireland, including the early
This book examines the history of monastic exemption in France. It maps an
institutional story of monastic freedom and protection, which is deeply rooted
in the religious, political, social, and legal culture of the early Middle Ages.
Traversing many geo-political boundaries and fields of historical
specialisation, this book evaluates the nature and extent of papal involvement
in French monasteries between the sixth and eleventh centuries. Defining the
meaning and value of exemption to medieval contemporaries during this era, it
demonstrates how the papacy’s commitment, cooperation, and intervention
transformed existing ecclesiastical and political structures. Charting the
elaboration of monastic exemption privileges from a marginalised to centralised
practice, this book asks why so many French monasteries were seeking exemption
privileges directly from Rome; what significance they held for monks, bishops,
secular rulers, and popes; how and why this practice developed throughout the
early Middle Ages; and, ultimately, what impact monastic exemption had on the
emerging identity of papal authority, the growth of early monasticism, Frankish
politics and governance, church reform, and canon law.
Chronicles remained the dominant form of historical writing throughout the sixteenth century, and contained much material about the relationship of parliament and the crown and the wider political community. But how coherent a view of parliament could be derived from the chronicles? That is the question addressed by this essay, primarily through Holinshed, but with reference to the other chronicles on which his account was built. Holinshed included some key texts on parliament, including William Harrison’s reworking of Sir Thomas Smith’s account in De republica Anglorum (1583), significantly enhancing parliament’s role on the succession and church reform, and John Hooker’s Order and Usage (1572), inserted into the Irish section. But Holinshed famously left his chronicles open to variant readings. There was little interest in parliament’s institutional development, or commonwealth legislation, but much more interest in parliament as the bringer of hated taxes, and in the politics of parliaments, particularly relating to monarchical succession. It is argued that readers might take away various understandings from the chronicles, but that in any case the chronicles tended to focus less on institutional structures than on the moral qualities of the country’s leaders who operated them.
modern admirers, French Jansenists have usually been regarded as religious fanatics and therefore conservative, while the Church has considered
them to be extreme, beyond the Christian pale.
Similar arguments against the label extremist can be advanced
in the Italian context, when during the 1770s and 1780s the ecclesiastical rights of Catholic sovereigns were championed against what
was understood as the tyrannic jurisdiction of Rome, which had
overthrown the state–Church traditions of the early Church. This
movement for radical Churchreform (although ultimately
‘liberty’ ( Freiheit ) sought by the reformers was effectively guaranteed by submission to papal protection. 21 The type of protection offered by this pope and his successors was no longer that observed in previous centuries; it had developed beyond a complementary or parallel form of support initially offered by Frankish rulers.
The significance of such claims weighs heavily on our interpretation of churchreform. Together, these arguments suggest that the culture and objectives of this eleventh-century ‘movement’ offered a suitable climate
therefore unsurprising that authors such as Æthelwold and the anonymous homilist of Blickling 4 use the story to explain corruption and decay within the Church. In their hands, the fall of the angels becomes a didactic tool encouraging the reform of lapsed religious communities and errant priestly behaviours. With its complex hermeneutic Latin, Æthelwold’s New Minster Charter propagandises the story of the fallen angels, fixing it as the mythical origin and backdrop for the most significant Churchreforms of the age. This foundational historical document offers us flashes