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Corruption breeds violence
Pavel K. Baev

7 Civil wars in Georgia: corruption breeds violence Pavel K. Baev Introduction    incredibly rich and uniquely complicated case for the analysis of modern civil wars. It is a newly independent state that appeared with the collapse of the USSR, but it also has a long history of statehood. It is a relatively small state, but it occupies a key geopolitical crossroads which has acquired strategic importance with the new development of hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian area. Its population is small and declining but the ethnic composition, cultural

in Potentials of disorder
Abstract only
Alan Marshall

A wartime tale of spying gone wrong opens up our history of espionage activities in the Civil Wars of the 1640s. In November 1642 the keeper of ‘Mary-bone Parke’ was one Cary, who was later described as a prime ‘malignant’. Even so, the Royalist Cary was chosen by the Royalist camp to go out towards Kingston in order to spy out the land and to collect secret intelligence for a prospective military raid by Prince Rupert. In order to undertake his secret mission, Cary decided to go in disguise. He dressed

in Intelligence and espionage in the English Republic c. 1600–60
Jason Knirck

from the revolutionary years with a stable notion of what Irish democracy was or should be. This observation sits uneasily aside most of the literature on the coming of democracy in the Free State, in which there is often an assumption that some combination of the Treaty, the constitution, and the end of the civil war consolidated Irish democracy. The Free State is touted as one of the few states

in Democracy and dissent in the Irish Free State
Ian Atherton

Battlefields, burials and the English Civil Wars Chapter 1 Battlefields, burials and the English Civil Wars Ian Atherton T he idea that ‘military care’ extends beyond death to the treatment of the war dead is not new, though the forms it has taken have varied over time. Roger Boyle’s 1677 military treatise advised a victorious general to look after the wounded and prisoners, and see ‘his Dead honourably buried’. Similar ideas can be found in a number of sixteenth-century military manuals, and can be traced back at least as far as the Graeco-Roman world.1

in Battle-scarred
Philip M. Taylor

Chapter 14 The English Civil War (1642-6) The increasing involvement of the public in both politics and warfare since the Reformation partly reflected and partly caused the growth of propaganda. In England in the 1640s it exploded into full scale civil war, or the Great Rebellion as it was known. Professor Kamen again: The situation had to be faced: revolutionary propaganda was more than an exercise in persuasion; it frequently reflected genuine popular attitudes, it was committed not to the support of established parties but to the questioning of all authority

in Munitions of the Mind
For Whom the Bell Tolls
David Archibald

Democratic and Republican Party candidates, Barack Obama and John McCain, both listed For Whom the Bell Tolls among their favourite novels, their literary tastes highlighting the enduring appeal of Ernest Hemingway’s Spanish Civil War epic, at least in the US. (Keller, 2008 ) The novel was first published in 1940, and Paramount Pictures released a cinema adaptation in 1943. An analysis of the film and its transition from page to screen forms the main part of this chapter. 1 As background to this analysis, and in order to highlight the changing nature of US cinematic

in The war that won't die
Andrew Hadfield

The advent of the Civil War in 1642 saw all restrictions lifted from the printing presses and a wealth of popular political material appeared as the variety of factions that started to develop – Presbyterians, Levellers, Diggers, Royalists, Anabaptists, Quakers, Muggletonians and so on – published their own works free from the fear of censorship. 1 Central control had disappeared over publishing and, consequently, from the political world. If opposition to the king was more or less united in

in Literature and class
Simon Walker

Writing a little before 1470, Sir Thomas Malory drew a clear lesson for his own time from the tale of the civil war between King Arthur and Sir Mordred that destroyed the fellowship of the Round Table: Lo! you, all Englishmen. See you not what a mischief here was? For he that was the most King and noblest Knight of the world and most loved the fellowship of noble knights and by him they were all upholden, and yet might not these Englishmen hold them content with him. Lo! thus was the old custom and usages of this land, and men say that we of this land

in Political culture in later medieval England
John Gurney

Chapter 2 The parish of Cobham and the Civil War T he Civil War reached Cobham in the autumn of 1642, a fortnight after the armies of king and parliament had met at the battle of Edgehill. As the king’s field army advanced upon London at the beginning of November, royalist forces entered Surrey from the west; by 10 November London newsbooks were reporting that parties of horse had come as far as Cobham, St George’s Hill and Oatlands and that ‘they plunder all they come by’.1 The king arrived at Oatlands Palace on 14 November, and spent the next four nights

in Brave community
Úna Newell

2 Civil war society and the August 1923 election Civil war society The war in the west, as has often been suggested, was an isolated campaign. On 2 July 1922, republican forces in Galway, following the national pattern, abandoned attempts to hold fixed positions, destroyed their posts and evacuated the city. Four buildings – Renmore barracks, the Naval base at the Docks, Eglinton Street police barracks, and the Freemasons’ Hall on Presentation Road – were set on fire. A fifth republican base at Dominick Street police station was spared. A notice posted by

in The west must wait