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The international activities of American women's organisations
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This book explores the importance of American women's associations in offering American women an active role outside the home, a function that had been recognised and applauded by feminist historians of the pre-suffrage era. It investigates the continuing relevance of the 'separate sphere' of women-only organisations after the extension of suffrage. American women's organisations in the twentieth century continued to offer women an opportunity and a justification for a role outside the private confines of the home. The book considers the traditional importance placed on voluntary associations in American life as guardians of freedom and as a medium for the activities of private citizens outside the processes of the public sphere of government. It evaluates how the Cold War both relied upon the ideological value of the 'private' status of voluntary associations, and undermined this distinction as private associations co-operated with their government in international work. The book also explores the contradictions between American women's assertions of sisterhood and equality with West German women and their assumption of a position of superiority based on national identity. It presents the history of the World Organization for Mothers of All Nations (WOMAN), an organisation of women established by journalist Dorothy Thompson to harness women's interest in peace to a global pressure group. This effort at internationalism was thwarted by established mainstream women's organisations that sought to produce and police a coherent national position.

Helen Laville

4 From international activists to Cold War . warriors The entry of American women's organisations into the Cold War was a long and, for some, difficult process. In 1945 most were optimistic that the United Nations could establish and preserve global peace and prosperity. A poll conducted in that year found that 85 per cent favoured an organisation that would 'marshal the forces for understanding among the peoples of the world'. 1 This popularity of the United Nations ideal was a reaction to the destructive potential of atomic power and the global destruction of

in Cold War women
The media and international intervention
Author:

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

Duality of détente in the 1970s and neo-Cold War in the 1980s
James W. Peterson

Introduction In the post-Cold War decades, Russian–American tension has alternated with more tranquil periods of open discussion. There were two clearly defined periods of mutual understanding between America and Russia in the late Cold War. The first was the era of détente, admittedly hard to define in terms of years but probably at its high-water mark in 1972–79. The second accompanied the rise to power of Mikhail Gorbachev and his reformist period from 1985 to 1991. In each period the two powers and their leaders seriously sought mutual

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Propaganda and subversion, 1945–48
Daniel W. B. Lomas

Britain to start a Cold War offensive involving subversion and special operations in the Eastern Bloc, believing such action, if enacted, would ‘endanger the position’ of allies and unnecessarily provoke the Soviets for little gain. 3 Although this opposition was gradually eroded, largely because of Soviet actions and attempts by officials to force a rethink, the moratorium on anti-Soviet activities

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
African student elites in the USSR, 1955–64
Harold D. Weaver

interactions with Hassan in the Colombia University Library, New York City, in the early 1960s. Over time, we shared many similar views about the USSR, the Cold War and Soviet relations with Africans and African countries. I drew heavily on his knowledge of the United Nations and the importance of the UN for Soviet education assistance to Africa and Africans. 43 Ibid . 44 Ibid . 45 I.I. Potekhin, A Soviet Primer on Africa

in The Red and the Black
Helen Laville

2 'The best possible showcase for freedom', American voluntary associations in the Cold War The voluntary association has enjoyed a long history as an ideal in American society. Alexis de Tocqueville commented on 'the American penchant for turning to voluntary actions as a solution to social, political and personal problems',1 while historian Arthur Schlesinger, Sr, famously dubbed the USA 'a Nation of Joiners'.2 The importance of the voluntary association in creating and protecting freedom was both functional and structural, a product of the practice and

in Cold War women
Jonathan Rayner

TNWC05 16/11/06 11:26 AM Page 120 5 American films of the Cold War Representations of naval operations, up to and including actual combat, in films made during the Cold War appear as varied and problematic as the political and operational complexities afflicting the navies themselves in that period. The moral clarity and narrative certainty sought in the war film genre, as it had evolved during the Second World War (in the clear delineation of goals, the unity to be sought and the enemies to be defeated in order to achieve them), were not readily or

in The naval war film
Ministers, subversion and special operations, 1948–51
Daniel W. B. Lomas

Beyond Bevin, any wider ministerial reluctance to engage in covert activities started to erode as the Cold War began, particularly following the Berlin Crisis of 1948–49. 4 Other than Valuable, Bevin also approved subversive activities inside the Soviet zone of Germany aimed at undermining relations between East German officials and Soviet forces, leading to recommendations that such

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
The Patrice Lumumba Peoples’ Friendship University
Rachel Lee Rubin

World’, Arab–Israeli conflicts, and Cold War rhetorical battles in the United States and the Soviet Union. Indeed, to understand the many functions of the university, it is necessary to contextualise its founding, activities and reception in terms of the Cold War, in particular how African countries were pulled in as both the United States and the Soviet Union came to realise that expanding their influence in the Third World would increase their military and diplomatic power. Thus, Africa came to host numerous proxy

in The Red and the Black