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Colonial Caring covers over a century of colonial nursing by nurses from a wide range of countries including: Denmark, Britain, USA, Holland and Italy; with the colonised countries including South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Ethiopia, Nigeria, India, Indonesia (Dutch East Indies) and the Danish West Indies. It presents unique perspectives from which to interrogate colonialism and post-colonialism including aspects of race, cultural difference and implications of warfare and politics upon nursing. Viewing nursing’s development under colonial and post-colonial rule reveals different faces of a profession that superficially may appear to be consistent and coherent, yet in reality is constantly reinventing itself. Considering such areas as transnational relationships, class, gender, race and politics, this book aims to present current work in progress within the field, to better understand the complex entanglements in nursing’s development as it was imagined and practised in local imperial, colonial and post-colonial contexts. Taking a chronologically-based structure, early chapters examine nursing in situations of conflict in the post-Crimean period from the Indian Rebellion to the Anglo-Boer War. Recruitment, professionalisation of nursing and of military nursing in particular, are therefore considered before moving deeper into the twentieth century reflecting upon later periods of colonialism in which religion and humanitarianism become more central. Drawing from a wide range of sources from official documents to diaries, memoirs and oral sources, and using a variety of methodologies including qualitative and quantitative approaches, the book represents ground-breaking work.
This book is about the processes and practices through which two differently positioned elites, among the colonisers and the colonised, were constituted respectively as the 'manly Englishman' and the 'effeminate Bengali'. It argues that the emerging dynamics between colonial and nationalist politics in the 1880s and 1890s in India is best captured in the logic of colonial masculinity. The figures of the 'manly Englishman' and the 'effeminate Bengali' were thus constituted in relation to colonial Indian society as well as to some aspects of late nineteenth-century British society. These aspects of late nineteenth-century British society are the emergence of the 'New Woman', the 'remaking of the working class', the legacy of 'internal colonialism', and the anti-feminist backlash of the 1880s and 1890s. A sustained focus on the imperial constitution of colonial masculinity, therefore, serves also to refine the standard historical scholarship on nineteenth-century British masculinity. The book traces the impact of colonial masculinity in four specific controversies: the 'white mutiny' against the Ilbert Bill in 1883, the official government response to the Native Volunteer movement in 1885, the recommendations of the Public Service Commission of 1886, and the Indian opposition to the Age of Consent Bill in 1891. In this book, the author situates the analysis very specifically in the context of an imperial social formation. In doing so, the author examines colonial masculinity not only in the context of social forces within India, but also as framed by and framing political, economic, and ideological shifts in Britain.
Recent scholarship in political thought has closely examined the relationship between European political ideas and colonialism, particularly the ways in which canonical thinkers supported or opposed colonial practices. However, little attention has been given to the engagement of colonized political and intellectual actors with European ideas. This book demonstrates that a full reckoning of colonialism's effects requires attention to the ways in which colonized intellectuals reacted to, adopted, and transformed these ideas, and to the political projects that their reactions helped to shape. It presents acts of hybrid theorization from across the world, from figures within societies colonized by the British, French, and Spanish empires who sought an end to their colonial status or important modifications to it. The book examines John Stuart Mill's neglect of the Bengali reformer, Rammohun Roy. Exploring what transpired with this potential for intellectual influence across cultural borders during the course of Mill's intellectual career is an unfinished project. The Indian Sociologist is a radical anti- colonial journal created, edited and published by Shyamji Krishnavarma, was an important mouthpiece of the early (pre- Gandhian) Indian nationalist movement's extremist faction at the international level. Jotirao Govindrao Phule fought for Sudratisudras who were abased, maltreated, and reviled as slaves proportionally to the fierceness with which their native warrior ancestors had resisted outside invasion. The book also talks about the French revolutionary ideology in Saint- Domingue, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, liberal universalism, and Pedro Paterno's Filipino deployment of French Lamarckianism.
… take no part in Colonial Politics on any consideration. Party politics there will not for fifty years have any real influence upon its affairs. It is here [in London] that the decisions will be made. (Edward Macarthur, 1834) 1
nationalists: ‘moderates’ behind ‘Adli Yakan Pasha and ‘radicals’ led by Sa‘d Zaghlul Pasha. Addison checked into the Helwan Hotel, a resort on the desert's edge occupied by retired officials like Sir William Willcocks and officers of the 47th Squadron of the RAF, the latter group in the process of establishing permanent installations nearby. The impression of a besieged colonial enclave could only have been
from Bombay to a different kind of colonial environment, one which facilitated different kinds of colonial agency. Compared with the Indian city, where formal political channels were closed and exclusive, Australia was a relatively inclusive society, politically speaking. Responsible government gave local electorates a more formal say and influence over the adoption or rejection of legal and governmental precedents. Sites of political action are not defined by forms of government alone, however, so it will also be necessary to ask
We saw in the previous chapter how images of spectrality in Henry James’s Anglo-American Gothic encode images of national identity. How ghosts can be discussed in a colonial context helps to illuminate the complex relationship which existed in the period between the colonial gaze and the apparently subaltern subject. This chapter proposes a reading of spectrality which
to pay off Robert’s debts and begin earning profits in Jamaica. In total, the Stirlings’ involvement in India and Jamaica netted them around £40,000. When Archibald died in 1783, his Scottish and West Indian estates were valued at £125,000, showing just how vital colonial endeavour had been in restoring the family’s financial footing. 18 These two examples help to
Foreign Ministry, the 87-year-old Duke, the former colonial governor of Togo between 1912 and 1914, participated in the independence festivities as guest of honour. The first question that comes to mind is: how was it possible that a former colonizer and imperialist was invited back to the arena in which he had been active colonizing? If one were being cynical, one might suggest that since Germany had only been an imperial power for roughly thirty-five years it had not had the time to commit as many colonial atrocities as
7 Colonial cities: Valletta, Rangoon and new capitals The explosive growths and resultant buildings of many of the great cities of empire in the second half of the nineteenth century have been examined by a number of historians. In the case of Melbourne, for example, there is the classic essay by Asa Briggs.1 The historian James Belich placed cities like Melbourne and Toronto into his category of mega-cities and their architecture has received a good deal of attention.2 Representative buildings in these cities have been mentioned earlier in the book, but this