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When members of that oft-maligned institution, the Anglican Church – the 'Tory Party at prayer' – encountered the far-flung settler empire, they found it a strange and intimidating place. Anglicanism's conservative credentials seemed to have little place in developing colonies; its established status, secure in England, would crumble in Ireland and was destined never to be adopted in the 'White Dominions'. By 1850, however, a global ‘Anglican Communion’ was taking shape. This book explains why Anglican clergymen started to feel at home in the empire. Between 1790 and 1860 the Church of England put in place structures that enabled it to sustain a common institutional structure and common set of beliefs across a rapidly-expanding ‘British world’. Though Church expansion was far from being a regulated and coordinated affair, the book argues that churchmen did find ways to accommodate Anglicans of different ethnic backgrounds and party attachments in a single broad-based ‘national’ colonial Church. The book details the array of institutions, voluntary societies and inter-colonial networks that furnished the men and money that facilitated Church expansion; it also sheds light on how this institutional context contributed to the formation of colonial Churches with distinctive features and identities. The colonial Church that is presented in this book will be of interest to more than just scholars and students of religious and Church history. The book shows how the colonial Church played a vital role in the formation of political publics and ethnic communities in a settler empire that was being remoulded by the advent of mass migration, democracy and the separation of Church and state.
said, much of the original form and purpose of special acts of worship survived into the twentieth century. Often the study of colonial society is a search for the new. 22 This book argues that equal attention should be paid to the old and the traditional if the varied character of Britain’s colonial settler societies are to be understood. Focus This subject is large and complex, and there is a need to define a start and end point for the study, as well as geographical focus. Special worship is itself a
‘civic virtue’ of colonial settler societies ‘mimicking the grand configurations’ of the metropoles. 3 In 1988 Milton Lewis and Roy Macleod provided the landmark volume Disease, Medicine and Empire , which explored the problem of medicine as part of the imperial project. They argued that the period 1810–1910 was a period of colonial expansion
debates in the world of secular politics. The Church also sat well with the voluntarism that became a notable feature of colonial settler societies. As we have seen, churches merged into the wider colonial associational culture; indeed the Church was commonly described as a ‘voluntary association’. The Church also worked alongside a range of non-state institutions to provide benevolent, charitable and
, therefore offers us a new way of interpreting the histories of colonial ‘settler’ society. ‘Settled’ in 1840, New Zealand’s founding document, the Treaty of Waitangi (1840), was challenged by the practice of land alienation and land wars of the 1860s–90s. As well as helping to define social class and levels of poverty in the new society, and therefore the formation of the ‘class’ of European vagrants, the vagrancy laws in place from the 1860s can also be considered as an aspect of the regulation of Māori–Pākehā relationships in the wake of the forced mobility of Māori
over diverse populations of ‘others’ that contest their legitimacy: indigenous populations, women, immigrants, and refugees. Introduction The subject of the social interactions and political negotiations of diverse populations living in colonial settler societies has inspired anthropologists’ analysis of how power has been and continues to be negotiated in specific geographies that are not easily theorized through colonial or post-colonial interpretations. Where colonialism is understood as a bilateral opposition between the colonizer and colonized, settler
nurse within hospitals was an exception to the rule. This comes out of the nature of colonialism experienced in colonial settler societies such as Zimbabwe and South Africa. As in South Africa, the presence of women in clinical spaces in Zimbabwe was a result of ideologies of the day that drove home an idea of nursing as an extension of the domestic economy. Thus, in Rhodesia, as in South Africa, the impetus for training African female nurses originated from racist attitudes towards patient care. 33 This saw the marginalisation of male nurses within Zimbabwean
proprietorship that is realised in the project of bringing bones into presence and so domesticating their excessive thingness and unsettling alterity as they are constituted and stabilised as curiosities and specimens through the work of mea suring, cataloguing, labelling, displaying and looking. The question of the emotive immateriality of human remains intersects therefore with broader questions of memory, forgetting and the ways in which violent acts of annihilation and dispossession are, particularly in colonial settler societies, foundational to the emergence of the
working in elite environments. We have both worked in colonial settler societies built on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples. Here, our race and class have given us privileged entrée and shaped our experiences, reducing the burden of marginalisation. 40 Feminism has a complex relationship to ideas of universality, which are central to the power of international law. On the