Once held up as a 'poster child' for untrammeled capitalist globalisation, the Irish Republic has more recently come to represent a cautionary tale for those tempted to tread the same neoliberal path. The crash in the world economy had especially grave repercussions for Ireland, and a series of austerity measures has seen the country endure the most substantial 'adjustment' ever experienced in a developed society during peacetime. This book delineates the reactionary course that Ireland has followed since the ignominious demise of the Celtic Tiger. It argues that the forces of neoliberalism have employed the economic crisis they caused to advance policies that are in their own narrow interests, and that the host of regressive measures imposed since the onset of global recession has fundamentally restructured Irish society. The book discusses the mechanisms by which finance in Ireland sustains and reproduces itself, in particular how it was able to protect itself during the 2008 crisis. Property was at the centre of the second phase of the Celtic Tiger boom after US investment in manufacturing began to decline, leading to the Irish economic crash. The years since the onset of the recession in Ireland in 2008 have been characterised not by passivity and quietism but by extreme violence. In December 2009 as part of the first wave of austerity, the Community Development Project was informed that the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs proposed not to continue funding the project beyond the end of 2009.
Austerity and the community sector in the Republic of Ireland
capitalist societies. Places such as North Clondalkin raise critical
questions about the concept of ‘community’, especially as a romantic
ideological construct which freefloats as a signifier without any reference to the material realities of daily life. And while there is undoubtedly
much in the local culture that animates solidarity and communality,
the ideological distortion can conceal the underlying structural causes
of poverty and inequality. In 1989, a CommunityDevelopmentProject
(CDP) was established in North Clondalkin as part of a spatially targeted
noted that Labour had run the area’s local authorities continuously since the First
World War, with most of the Council’s leaders having clocked up at least twenty
Community and the Labour left in 1970s London 209
years’ service.3 The leaders of the Bermondsey Labour party who came under attack
from the left in the late 1970s had held power since their ‘coup’ of 1946, and the
Council – Southwark – which this old guard partly controlled, was described by
their most prominent critic as ‘a gerontocracy, the average age of councillors being
rated the plan to be “tremendously exciting” – a
project potentially pointing the way toward “social evolution for
Latin America.” 15
Instead of concentrating on major capital investment projects for dams,
railroads, and the like – something that was beyond reach for
voluntary agencies anyhow – the communitydevelopmentproject was
geared at directing “skills and resources at the bottom of the [social
change in Britain’, in M. Harloe (ed.), New Perspectives in Urban Change and
Conflict (1981); M. Mayo, ‘The history and early development of CDP’, in
R. Lees and G. Smith (eds), Action-Research in Community Development (1975).
89 CAB 165/665, Crossman to Wilson, 1 August 1968.
90 HO 291/1420, Working party on community development, Draft report to
ministers, n.d.; PRO, BN 29/1392, CommunityDevelopmentProject departmental responsibility, n.d. (but October 1970), pp. 1–2.
91 CAB 152/111, Press release for speech by R. Crossman, 14 February 1969.
92 HO 389
according to their
The leadership role of San women
In the D’kar Farm San community, most households are headed by women.
Women look after families without material support from the men, most of whom
do not have formal employment. Many do not live with the families in the village.
There was an urgent need to equip women with skills to start their own businesses
so that they could support their children. They have traditionally relied on men for
leadership in the home and in communitydevelopmentprojects. This is generally
true for the San communities. But
CWC enters National Economic and Social Forum in ‘disadvantaged’
strand; interaction with INOU, NWCI and others; submissions to PCW
talks directly and through NESF
Contributes to NESF report on new national development plan and local
development social inclusion programme (NESF 1993b)
Under PCW, the number of local area partnership companies is increased
to 38, supplemented by 35 communitydevelopmentprojects
CWC begins to formulate approach to seeking social partner status
May: establishment of Community Platform by CWC with 14 other
Securing or denying minorities’ right to the city?
casting those who are unable to participate as undeserving of citizenship rights
(Ghose and Pettygrove, 2014). While sufficient research on community gardening
and its relevance to civil society –especially within the current market-driven
economic condition –exists, the subtle similarities and differences
between the extensively explored US (and to some extent UK) experience and
that from the rest of the global North is only beginning to unfold as more scholars
focus on these issues in the European State context (Certomà et
American voluntary agencies for assistance and expertise in order to
become operational. The choice of CARE as a central service provider was
particularly significant given the agency’s reputation, its
long-term operating experience overseas, and its recent development of
more sophisticated communitydevelopmentprojects in Latin America. From
the perspective of CARE, the Peace Corps offered a
, at its peak in 2005, funded over 180 local and
independent CommunityDevelopmentProjects (CDPs) with a specific anti-
poverty focus and a local management structure. By 2012, following a series
of decisions taken by the responsible parent department, the Department of
Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, all bar a small number of projects
were subsumed into the state and EU funded local development companies.
The rationale for ending the programme of support for independent community organisations was largely constructed on the grounds of duplication