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Neoliberal crisis, neoliberal solutions

Once held up as a 'poster child' for untrammeled capitalist globalisation, the Irish Republic has more recently come to represent a cautionary tale for those tempted to tread the same neoliberal path. The crash in the world economy had especially grave repercussions for Ireland, and a series of austerity measures has seen the country endure the most substantial 'adjustment' ever experienced in a developed society during peacetime. This book delineates the reactionary course that Ireland has followed since the ignominious demise of the Celtic Tiger. It argues that the forces of neoliberalism have employed the economic crisis they caused to advance policies that are in their own narrow interests, and that the host of regressive measures imposed since the onset of global recession has fundamentally restructured Irish society. The book discusses the mechanisms by which finance in Ireland sustains and reproduces itself, in particular how it was able to protect itself during the 2008 crisis. Property was at the centre of the second phase of the Celtic Tiger boom after US investment in manufacturing began to decline, leading to the Irish economic crash. The years since the onset of the recession in Ireland in 2008 have been characterised not by passivity and quietism but by extreme violence. In December 2009 as part of the first wave of austerity, the Community Development Project was informed that the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs proposed not to continue funding the project beyond the end of 2009.

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Austerity and the community sector in the Republic of Ireland
John Bissett

capitalist societies. Places such as North Clondalkin raise critical questions about the concept of ‘community’, especially as a romantic ideological construct which freefloats as a signifier without any reference to the material realities of daily life. And while there is undoubtedly much in the local culture that animates solidarity and communality, the ideological distortion can conceal the underlying structural causes of poverty and inequality. In 1989, a Community Development Project (CDP) was established in North Clondalkin as part of a spatially targeted strategy

in Ireland under austerity
John Davis

Community Development Project, noted that Labour had run the area’s local authorities continuously since the First World War, with most of the Council’s leaders having clocked up at least twenty Community and the Labour left in 1970s London 209 years’ service.3 The leaders of the Bermondsey Labour party who came under attack from the left in the late 1970s had held power since their ‘coup’ of 1946, and the Council – Southwark – which this old guard partly controlled, was described by their most prominent critic as ‘a gerontocracy, the average age of councillors being

in The art of the possible
Heike Wieters

rated the plan to be “tremendously exciting” – a project potentially pointing the way toward “social evolution for Latin America.” 15 Instead of concentrating on major capital investment projects for dams, railroads, and the like – something that was beyond reach for voluntary agencies anyhow – the community development project was geared at directing “skills and resources at the bottom of the [social

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Steven Fielding

organising for change in Britain’, in M. Harloe (ed.), New Perspectives in Urban Change and Conflict (1981); M. Mayo, ‘The history and early development of CDP’, in R. Lees and G. Smith (eds), Action-Research in Community Development (1975). 89 CAB 165/665, Crossman to Wilson, 1 August 1968. 90 HO 291/1420, Working party on community development, Draft report to ministers, n.d.; PRO, BN 29/1392, Community Development Project departmental responsibility, n.d. (but October 1970), pp. 1–2. 91 CAB 152/111, Press release for speech by R. Crossman, 14 February 1969. 92 HO 389

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Morgan Chawawa and Wapula Raditloaneng

according to their planned design. The leadership role of San women In the D’kar Farm San community, most households are headed by women. Women look after families without material support from the men, most of whom do not have formal employment. Many do not live with the families in the village. There was an urgent need to equip women with skills to start their own businesses so that they could support their children. They have traditionally relied on men for leadership in the home and in community development projects. This is generally true for the San communities. But

in University engagement and environmental sustainability
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The Community Workers’ Co-operative
Joe Larragy

CWC enters National Economic and Social Forum in ‘disadvantaged’  strand; interaction with INOU, NWCI and others; submissions to PCW talks directly and through NESF Contributes to NESF report on new national development plan and local  development social inclusion programme (NESF 1993b) Under PCW, the number of local area partnership companies is increased   to 38, supplemented by 35 community development projects CWC begins to formulate approach to seeking social partner status May: establishment of Community Platform by CWC with 14 other  organisations CWC and

in Asymmetric engagement
Securing or denying minorities’ right to the city?
Parama Roy

community development projects, casting those who are unable to participate as undeserving of citizenship rights (Ghose and Pettygrove, 2014). While sufficient research on community gardening and its relevance to civil society –​especially within the current market-​driven political-​ economic condition  –​exists, the subtle similarities and differences between the extensively explored US (and to some extent UK) experience and that from the rest of the global North is only beginning to unfold as more scholars focus on these issues in the European State context (Certomà et

in Urban gardening and the struggle for social and spatial justice
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Heike Wieters

approached the American voluntary agencies for assistance and expertise in order to become operational. The choice of CARE as a central service provider was particularly significant given the agency’s reputation, its long-term operating experience overseas, and its recent development of more sophisticated community development projects in Latin America. From the perspective of CARE, the Peace Corps offered a

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Chris McInerney

, at its peak in 2005, funded over 180 local and independent Community Development Projects (CDPs) with a specific anti-­ poverty focus and a local management structure. By 2012, following a series of decisions taken by the responsible parent department, the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, all bar a small number of projects were subsumed into the state and EU funded local development companies. The rationale for ending the programme of support for independent community organisations was largely constructed on the grounds of duplication and

in Challenging times, challenging administration