This book explores how different publics make sense of and evaluate anti-terrorism powers within the UK, and the implications of this for citizenship and security. Since 9/11, the UK’s anti-terrorism framework has undergone dramatic changes, including with the introduction of numerous new pieces of legislation. Drawing on primary empirical research, this book examines the impact of these changes on security and citizenship, as perceived by citizens themselves. We examine such impacts on different communities within the UK, and find that generally, whilst white individuals were not unconcerned about the effects of anti-terrorism, ethnic minority citizens (and not Muslim communities alone) believe that anti-terrorism measures have had a direct, negative impact on various dimensions of their citizenship and security. This book thus offers the first systematic engagement with ‘vernacular’ or ‘everyday’ understandings of anti-terrorism policy, citizenship and security. Beyond an empirical analysis of citizen attitudes, it argues that while transformations in anti-terrorism frameworks impact on public experiences of security and citizenship, they do not do so in a uniform, homogeneous, or predictable manner. At the same time, public understandings and expectations of security and citizenship themselves shape how developments in anti-terrorism frameworks are discussed and evaluated. The relationships between these phenomenon, in other words, are both multiple and co-constitutive. By detailing these findings, this book adds depth and complexity to existing studies of the impact of anti-terrorism powers. The book will be of interest to a wide range of academic disciplines including Political Science, International Relations, Security Studies and Sociology.
the government response to these
spaces, a pre-emptive governmental power can be identified, seeking to
manage the identities in these spaces, in order to make radicalisation less
likely. This chapter starts with an overview of the history and discourse of
communitycohesion, going on to demonstrate how the problematic of Prevent,
and its understanding of vulnerability to be a disassociation from a
normalised Britishness, integrates communitycohesion into its analysis.
While, as will be demonstrated, cohesion always imposed
Peter John, Sarah Cotterill, Alice Moseley, Liz Richardson, Graham Smith, Gerry Stoker, and Corinne Wales
process. The experiment focuses on arguably the most common form of online engagement: asynchronous discussion forums. The aim of the experiment was twofold. First, to understand the extent to which giving citizens the opportunity to debate controversial policy issues (in this case youth anti-social behaviour and communitycohesion) led to changes in policy knowledge and preferences. And second, to analyse the extent to which citizens actually deliberate online and whether their interactions are inclusive and informed.
What do we know about online engagement
Anti-racism, equal opportunities, community cohesion and religious identity in a rural space, 1999 onwards
‘sleepwalking to segregation’. 4 In a February 2011 speech on Islamic extremism, then Prime Minister David Cameron spoke of the failure of the ‘doctrine of state multiculturalism’, which had ‘encouraged different cultures to live separate lives’ and led to the toleration of ‘these segregated communities behaving in ways that run completely counter to our values’. 5
Since the early 2000s, Britain has gradually adopted a policy framework based on the importance of common British values and identities and communitycohesion, 6 a political approach that has received
In this chapter the importance of mutual aid and philanthropic endeavour are stressed as a means of community cohesion and as a counter to the fragmentation so characteristic of the Leeds community. As with many other activities, the fellowship bodies were often associated with place of origin, later replaced by national bodies, such as B’nai Brith. The 140-year history of the Board of Guardians, later the Welfare Board, is traced with stress on the desire of Leeds Jewry to look after its own poor. The changing role of charities is explained by reference to the increase in state welfare in the twentieth century
This chapter outlines the scope of the book, introducing historical concepts and perceptions of disability, the popular connections made between deafness and disability, and the more recent approaches of social and cultural historians to disability, minority and community histories. The Introduction also highlights the processes by which the data for this research was collected, making innovative use of deaf newspapers and the way these were produced to provide unique insights into the deaf experience in Britain. The introduction then moves on to illustrate how this information has been used to inform an analysis of deaf leisure and sport and the ways in which broader theories of leisure as a basis for community cohesion can be applied to deaf people.
Chapter Six continues the book’s discussion of the anti-terrorism/security/citizenship nexus. It argues that an individual’s underlying conception of security has implications for whether they are likely to believe anti-terrorism powers enhance security. Of greater significance, however, was that an individual’s conception of security strongly influenced the conceptual and linguistic terrain in which they discussed public policy in this area. Those who understood security in terms of social belonging, for example, were primarily interested in the impacts of anti-terrorism measures on community cohesion. This is in contrast to those who conceived of security as “survival”, who discussed anti-terrorism more in terms of effectiveness. Similarly, those who saw security as “freedom” focused on enhancements or reductions of civil liberties. The chapter therefore argues that security functions as a frame through which anti-terrorism powers are interpreted or read.
At the point of its creation Northern Ireland inherited a system based on Irish National Schools. Established with an inclusive ambition, this system became predominantly denominational in character and what emerged was a system of State schools that were Protestant in all but name, and a parallel system of Catholic schools. In the 2000s the debate over a shared future included a focus on schools, and saw the emergence of a new model of shared education in which schools from different sectors work in collaborative networks. Set within the context of consociational and integrationist approaches to conflict resolution, this chapter explores the impact of these structural arrangements for schooling on attitudes and community cohesion. It argues that traditional debates which attempted to balance cohesion and identity interests were based on an assumption that schools operated largely as autonomous units. If schools are seen as part of an interdependent network then new possibilities emerge in networked solutions, which may allow for the privileging of both identity and cohesion. The chapter explores the outworking of this in the Sharing Education Programme (SEP) which has run in Northern Ireland since 2007.
( 2010 ; see also Thomas, 2009 , 2014 , 2017 ) usefully sums up the literature’s
analysis of the relation between the targeted security strand of Prevent and
its broader communitycohesion initiatives; an analysis that materialises
following the emergence of the full Prevent agenda in 2007 and continues
until the alleged separation of communitycohesion and
Prevent in 2011. The four key problems of the policy are understood to be
its monocultural focus on Muslims, its use as a vehicle for surveillance and
meaning/s of Englishness for non-white ethnic minorities in the
context of wider political debates and developments around
multiculturalism, citizenship and CommunityCohesion and offers
thoughts about the potential for genuinely inclusive and non-racial
understandings of Englishness taking greater hold than at
Firstly, the chapter provides a brief context of