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A class-relational approach

Intended for researchers, students, policymakers and practitioners, this book draws on detailed longitudinal fieldwork in rural south India to analyse the conditions of the rural poor and their patterns of change. Focusing on the three interrelated arenas of production, state, and civil society, it argues for a class-relational approach focused on forms of exploitation, domination and accumulation. The book focuses on class relations, how they are mediated by state institutions and civil society organisations, and how they vary within the countryside, when rural-based labour migrates to the city, and according to patterns of accumulation, caste dynamics, and villages’ levels of irrigation and degrees of remoteness. More specifically it analyses class relations in the agriculture and construction sectors, and among local government institutions, social movements, community-based organisations and NGOs. It shows how the dominant class reproduces its control over labour by shaping the activities of increasingly prominent local government institutions, and by exerting influence over the mass of new community-based organisations whose formation has been fostered by neoliberal policy. The book is centrally concerned with countervailing moves to improve the position of classes of labour. Increasingly informalised and segmented across multiple occupations in multiple locations, India’s ‘classes of labour’ are far from passive in the face of ongoing processes of exploitation and domination. Forms of labouring class organisation are often small-scale and tend to be oriented around the state and social policy. Despite their limitations, the book argues that such forms of contestation of government policy currently play a significant role in strategies for redistributing power and resources towards the labouring class, and suggests that they can help to clear the way for more broad-based and fundamental social change.

A Focus on Community Engagement
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye

Saez narrates negotiations between community-based organisations and the NGO in charge of opening a new Ebola Treatment Unit at the SKD 3 Stadium in Monrovia. In the final case, from Sierra Leone, Luisa Enria discusses the role of chiefs through the confrontation between the police and young Sierra Leoneans in Bamoi Luma when authorities violently imposed the closure of a market in order to avoid a resurgence of the epidemic. Despite their heterogeneity, the cases

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

never matched the benefits of commercial movies, despite some fundraising successes. The production was not self-supporting and involved both self-financing and public sponsors ( Piana, 2015 ; Veeder, 1990 ). Nevertheless, more historical investigation is needed for a proper ethnography of humanitarian cinema, to determine its ‘close connection to community-based organisations’ and ‘the full range of locations and spaces’ related to the circuits of dissemination ( Horne, 2012 : 14), as well as operating expenses, costs of film crews, and income. Cinema was abandoned

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Jonathan Pattenden

7 The neoliberalisation of civil society: community-based organisations, contractor NGOs and class relations It has been argued in this book (see Chapter  3) that the proliferation of civil society organisations (CSOs) in India since the 1990s represents a neoliberalisation of civil society. This is a general argument in that it relates the proliferation of CSOs to broader neoliberal policy that has sought to ‘thicken’ civil society while reducing the role of the state, and a more specific argument about its impacts on class relations in particular places

in Labour, state and society in rural India
Sarah Glynn

Chapter 6 provides a detailed examination of the impact of identity politics. It begins with a critical look at the development of black radical ideas, their dismissal of the ‘white working class’, and their failure to set out how sectorial struggle could lead to working-class unity. It concentrates on the experience of the Bengali Housing Action Group, a squatters’ organisation coordinated by black radical activists from Race Today, and on anti-racist resistance spearheaded by second generation Asian Youth Movements. These campaigns succeeded in securing homes for many families and in generating a sea-change in community consciousness and confidence as Bengalis asserted their right to stay in Britain and be treated decently. However they left a legacy of geographical clustering and of separate community-based organisation that failed to address wider socio-economic inequalities. The chapter compares this identity politics with the 1930s, when the Communist Party used campaigns against racism and for better housing to unite the working class across the racial divide, to undercut support for fascism, and to build support for left ideas. It concludes by looking at how public money has been used to incorporate once-radical organisation into the establishment and institutionalise competition between different community groups.

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Abstract only
Jonathan Pattenden

terminating contracts before the payment of social security became mandatory. It was found that the proliferation of civil society organisations in rural India, and of community-based organisations in particular, often reflected neoliberal policy agendas. Unsurprisingly in villages with marked social hierarchies, community-based organisations tended to be dominated by the better-off. The most common form of community-based organisation, the self-help group, fostered individualised approaches to development in ways that tended to exacerbate levels of inequality rather than

in Labour, state and society in rural India
A narrative of ‘them and ‘us’
Roger Zetter

. Sigona, ‘Social capital or social exclusion? The impact of asylum seeker dispersal on refugee community based organisations’, Community Development Journal 40:2 (2005). 6 T. Cantle, Community Cohesion: A New Framework for Race and Diversity (Basingstoke: Palgrave/Macmillan 2005). 7 Zetter et al., ‘Social capital or social exclusion?’; see note 5. 8 R. Zetter, ‘More labels, fewer refugees: making and remaking the refugee label in an era of globalisation’, Journal of Refugee Studies 20:2 (2007); Z. Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and its Outcasts (Cambridge: Polity Press

in Incarceration and human rights
Open Access (free)
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus

relatively quickly, to exchange vital information about the project, and to engage locally. Collaborating across sectors – in this case, between community-based organisations and large universities – is not without its challenges (Saltus, 2006 ). It is evident that such work requires constant negotiation and sensitivity to the different demands made upon partners, to different standpoints and sometimes to different agendas. In

in Go home?
Chris Duke, Michael Osborne, and Bruce Wilson

set up community-based organisations (e.g. setting up a pre-school or self-help HIV/AIDS support group); departmental activities involving students in capacity-building or discipline-specific education projects (such as new farming techniques or family health assessment and diagnosis; Theatre for Development project); ad hoc involvement by departments when requested by external agents (such as participating in cultural activities, assisting in environmental policy formulation); and, finally, community-focused research (such as action research into learning support

in A new imperative
The perils of promoting durable protection in cities of the south
Caroline Wanjiku Kihato and Loren B. Landau

. Under the conditions of precarious potential offered by many ‘Southern cities’, the most effective forms of humanitarianism – those providing the safest and most durable forms of self-reliance – come from stealthily negotiating invisibility while expanding entitlements through horizontal solidarities. Promoting rights for displaced persons living among equally poor and vulnerable host populations requires tactical political alliances and solidarities with community-based organisations and local actors. Doing so means breaking from the visibilisation impulse. Instead

in Displacement