Representative democracy and the international economy 1919–2001
Author: Helen Thompson

This book offers an analysis of the problem of the authority of the state in democracies. Unlike many discussions of democracy that treat authority as a problem primarily of domestic politics or normative values, it puts the international economy at the centre of the analysis. The book shows how changes in the international economy from the inter-war years to the end of the twentieth century impacted upon the success and failures of democracy. It makes the argument by considering a range of different cases, and traces the success and failure of democracies over the past century. The book includes detailed studies of democracies in both developed and developing countries, and offers a comparative analysis of their fate.

Helen Thompson

. Consequently he neither wanted American troops to stay in Europe once the war was won, nor to have to reconstruct Europe economically. Instead, albeit in the most general terms, he hoped for a peace policed collectively by the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain and China in the name of the universal values for which he had proclaimed the United States’ return to the international stage in 1941. In many ways, the language Roosevelt had used to persuade a sceptical M1218 - THOMPSON TXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7.3 76 10/3/08 13:10 Page 76 Might, right, prosperity and consent

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Abstract only
Nicole Vitellone

7 Condoms and consent In November 2003 Marcus Dwayne Dixon, a high school football star, was convicted in Georgia, US, of aggravated child molestation and statutory rape. Dixon was initially charged with raping a classmate, Kristie Brown, in a portable trailer on school property. Brown, who was fifteen at the time of the incident, claimed that she had not consented to intercourse. The fifteen-year-old claimed that the defendant ‘tracked her down in a classroom trailer that she was cleaning as part of her duties in an after-school job, asked if she was a virgin

in Object matters
Margaret Brazier and Emma Cave

6.1 In Chapter 5 , the principles relating to consent to treatment by competent adults were examined. This chapter looks at two other dimensions of consent to medical treatment. When an adult is incapable of deciding for herself whether or not to agree to treatment, how can treatment be lawfully authorised on her behalf? If an adult refuses to agree to treatment, can that refusal be overruled, either on the grounds that the patient ‘irrationally’ refused treatment which was in her interests, or because, untreated, her physical or mental condition threatens

in Medicine, patients and the law (sixth edition)
Abstract only
The politics of Supreme Court appointments
Robert J. McKeever

of Supreme Court Justices is delineated in Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution. This states that the President ‘shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint … Judges of the Supreme Court’. Like most constitutional clauses, Article II, Section 2 is open to varied and even conflicting interpretation, as we shall see shortly. Yet certain things are clear. First, it is important to note that there are two distinct phases of the process: nomination and confirmation . Nomination involves proposing someone for a seat on

in The United States Supreme Court
Susannah Nadler

In this article, I propose that the key to the underlying dissidence of M. G. Lewis‘s The Monk lies in the novel s depiction of consent, a fundamental principle in late eighteenth-century British discourse. For British thinkers of all stripes, a government and populace that valued consent made Britain the greatest nation in the world; The Monk disrupts this worldview by portraying consent, whether express or tacit, political or sexual, as incoherent. By depicting consent as illegible and pervasively undermining the distinction between consent and coercion, The Monk effectually threatens a value that rested at the core of late eighteenth-century British identity.

Gothic Studies
Policing the empire, 1830–1940
David M. Anderson and David Killingray

that displays a different temporal frame from place to place. Like their counterparts in England, the colonial police of the nineteenth century had more to do with the protection of property and of the propertied classes, and with the maintenance of social order (and the pax britannica ), than with the prevention or detection of crime. As patterns of authority, of accountability and of consent

in Policing the empire
Allyn Fives

9 Children and the provision of informed consent While in the previous chapter we examined the ‘right to parent’, and situations where such a right may be justifiably restricted, in this chapter we turn to one area where parents exercise power over their children and examine when it is legitimate to do so. When researchers try to recruit children as participants in a scientific study or when physicians recommend a course of medical treatment for children, a question then arises as to who may authorise such activity. May parents make these decisions on behalf of

in Evaluating parental power
Himani Bannerji

stated legal purpose and in effect provided a set of norms and forms for the society to adhere to. 4 This was particularly effective with the rising Bengali middle classes, who were formed in the terrain of colonial rule. One such law, perhaps the most hegemonically charged, is the Age of Consent Act of 1891. This chapter explores this act’s ideologically hegemonic dimensions with respect to the

in Gender and imperialism
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

, prosperity and consent financial censure of short-term investors. The price of this economic opportunity was paid in external sovereignty over security, a loss of status for the former great powers in international politics, and, in domestic politics, by American-demarcated limits to electoral competition, most conspicuously in Italy. After the failure of the Fourth Republic when financially induced humiliation led to rebellion by part of the army, de Gaulle’s unwillingness to accept this bargain on the grounds that the existence of no state could be safe if it handed

in Might, right, prosperity and consent