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Incoherent policies, asymmetrical partnership, declining relevance?

This book explains how the relationship between the European Union (EU) and Africa has evolved in the first decade of the twenty-first century. For this, it treats the EU as a 'bilateral donor', focusing in particular on the new partnership agreement between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. It also treats the EU as a 'collective actor', paying special attention to the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES) and a number of EU policies that affect African development beyond aid. The book first sketches the evolution of EU–Africa relations, between the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in June 2000 and the third Africa–EU Summit held in Tripoli in November 2010. The evolution of EU-Africa relations should be set against two tracks. The first track concerns the programme managed by the European Commission. In this case, the most important change is certainly the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement, which marked a fundamental departure from the principles of the long-standing Lomé Convention. The second track concerns the attempt to create a continent-wide policy towards Africa, under the slogan 'one Europe, one Africa', which started with the first Africa–EU Summit held in Cairo in April 2000. The book also presents some contending explanations, drawing on studies of EU external relations as well as offering a perspective of Africa. It examines a number of policy areas, ranging from more established areas of cooperation to new areas of concern, such as migration, energy, climate change and social policies.

From model to symbol

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

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The potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy
Karin Arts
and
Anna K. Dickson

EUD9 10/28/03 3:16 PM Page 149 9 Conclusions: the potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy Karin Arts and Anna K. Dickson On 23 June 2000 the Cotonou Agreement was signed, replacing the twentyfive-year-old Lomé Convention. There was a distinct feeling of change in Cotonou and the new Agreement is seen as radically overhauling its predecessors and setting a new basis for partnership between the ACP and EU states. It is too early to provide in-depth analysis of the Cotonou Agreement, not least because in many ways Cotonou provides a kind of

in EU development cooperation
An assessment of EU development aid policies
William Brown

its successor, the Cotonou Agreement. The chapter undertakes a comparative assessment of these changes in the light of wider donor policies towards developing countries. In particular, parallels will be drawn with the policies of the World Bank. The World Bank can rightly claim to be a leading donor institution over this period, both in terms of its role in defining the international development agenda and because of its principal role in forging the changes to donor policies over recent years. 17 EUD2 10/28/03 2:39 PM Page 18 William Brown Furthermore, the

in EU development cooperation
Evolution and explanations
Maurizio Carbone

opposed to it, while all African countries defended their right to decide who should (and who should not) attend the meeting. More generally, the two partners seemed to have diverging agendas: for Europeans, the priorities were security and migration; for Africans, they were aid and trade. Tensions further escalated when the discussion touched upon the new free trade agreements introduced by the Cotonou Agreement (European Union, 2000), the so-­called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs): several African leaders stated that they were no longer willing to accept any

in The European Union in Africa
Maurizio Carbone

Foreign aid, donor coordination and recipient ownership 7 Foreign aid, donor coordination and recipient ownership in EU–Africa relations Maurizio Carbone The first decade of the 2000s was characterised by a number of important changes in the foreign aid policy of the European Union (EU). The new century started with the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in June 2000 (European Union, 2000), which introduced a radical overhaul of the aid pillar in the long-­standing partnership between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. The

in The European Union in Africa
From model to symbol?
Karin Arts
and
Anna K. Dickson

policy has been built over time. Until the 1990s, the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states unequivocally were Europe’s most preferred developing country partners, and ACP–EU relations were the most visible and important component of the EU development cooperation programme. ACP–EU relations started at the very creation of the European Economic Community in 1957 and were elaborated first in the Yaoundé and then in the Lomé Conventions and the 2000 Cotonou Agreement. In many peoples’ eyes the Lomé Convention came to symbolise EU development cooperation, more so

in EU development cooperation
Abstract only
External influences and continental shaping forces
Mary Farrell

and social barriers that divide countries from their neighbours, and of collaborating in the management of shared resources and regional commons’ (European Commission, 2008: 7). In the case of the JAES, inter-­regionalism is presented as a way to promote socio-­ economic development and good governance, closely intertwined with democracy promotion and human rights, in an agenda that relies strongly on dialogue and mutual cooperation. The Cotonou Agreement had explicitly highlighted a dual-­ track approach in the context of EU–Africa relations, signalling a departure

in The European Union in Africa
The EU’s agricultural and fisheries policies and Africa
Alan Matthews

market under the transitional trade provisions of the Cotonou Agreement up to the end of 2007 and, before that, the Lomé Conventions. One estimate of the average tariff applied by the EU in the agricultural sector put it at 16.7 per cent in 2001 (Bouët et al., 2004). However, while some Latin American developing countries faced an average tariff of 18.3 per cent and South Asian countries faced an average tariff of 14.4 per cent, the tariff facing Sub-­Saharan Africa agri-­food exports was less than half these values at 6.7 per cent. The value of these preferences

in The European Union in Africa
Abstract only
The social dimension of EU–Africa relations
Jan Orbie

agreements between the EU and Africa. However, if we look at the EU–ACP Cotonou Agreement and the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES), it becomes clear that references to the social dimension are barely implemented and largely overshadowed by other issues. The Cotonou Agreement mentions the CLS several times. The preamble states that the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group are ‘anxious to respect basic labour rights, taking account of the principles laid down in the relevant conventions of the International Labour Organization’. In Article 9 the ‘fundamental

in The European Union in Africa