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convincingly argues, will benefit some governments, institutions and companies that can adapt in a leaderless world. Turkey and Brazil, for example, are best placed to pivot to new markets, allies and partners as necessity demands. 4 This chapter investigates the potential for the new disorder in the context of a specific geographical locus: Crimea. It is in this historical pivot-point that relations between
its mandate. JG and BL: You have been working on asylum policies in Ukraine since before the war. Who counted refugees and displaced persons in Ukraine before 2022? What has changed since then? IM: Since 1994, UNHCR has worked on and counted refugees (foreign citizens) and asylum seekers in Ukraine. Now, UNHCR publishes the numbers of refugees from Ukraine abroad. After the annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of the war in the Donbas in 2014, UNHCR also started
Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.
reining in the short-lived EU departure from the Atlantic course, just as the downing of MH17 would do in July with respect to US sanctions. As armed squads rampaged across the country, the Russian-Ukrainian population, threatened with the loss of political and language rights as well as economic marginalisation, then revolted in turn. The parliament of historically Russian Crimea, an unwilling part of independent Ukraine, organised a referendum to secede and, with Russian special forces protecting the vital Sebastopol naval base and other strategic assets, requested
an era was ending which had begun with Russell in the Crimean War. The first important British war correspondent was William Howard Russell (1820–1907) of The Times , in the Crimea. There he established the concept and credibility of the war correspondent and strong public support for them. He set the pattern for British war correspondents. Other correspondents were never as successful and honoured
fora present a risk of “the major listening in,” 2 and thus exemplify both a private and a public space ( Morris 2005 ). Unsurprisingly, foreign policy is still an important part of those digital kitchen conversations ( Koltsova & Bodrunova 2019 ), especially given high-profile events such as the annexation of Crimea. Only this time, pique vests have been replaced with “sofa warriors” ( Asmolov
directly aimed at the aristocracy who controlled the upper ranks of the army. They argued that incompetence of the kind manifested in the Crimea could be avoided if officers were selected by ability rather than by purchase. It has been argued that, far from being neutral recorders of military incompetence, Russell and the editor of The Times deliberately exaggerated conditions at the front for the benefit of
insurgency in eastern Ukraine and the Crimea (R. Allison 2014 ). At the end of February 2014, President Yanukovych fled the country as the Ukrainian parliament voted to remove him from office. Around the same time pro-Russian gunmen seized buildings in Simferopol, the capital of the Crimea. On 16 March 2014, an overwhelming majority of Crimean voters supported joining Russia in an illegal referendum regarding the future status of the territory. Despite challenges to the legality of the referendum (R. Allison 2014 ), this ballot was followed by the Russian annexation of
was a training exercise for PfP and new alliance partners, and some of the activities took place in East Crimea. Later in the year, Operation Transcarpathia took place nearby, and both operations pricked Russia's nerves. During the next year, Operation Cooperative Partner took place in the Black Sea near Georgia. Russia approved Georgian participation, but the Russian Ministry of Defense was “bitter,” as it was rather large. Participating were 4,000 servicemen, 34 warships, and 2 submarines (Black 2004 , 239–256; Thompson 2004 , 110). By 2005 the spotlight had