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Managing the great power relations trilemma
Graeme P. Herd

convincingly argues, will benefit some governments, institutions and companies that can adapt in a leaderless world. Turkey and Brazil, for example, are best placed to pivot to new markets, allies and partners as necessity demands. 4 This chapter investigates the potential for the new disorder in the context of a specific geographical locus: Crimea. It is in this historical pivot-point that relations between

in Violence and the state

Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Kees van der Pijl

reining in the short-​lived EU departure from the Atlantic course, just as the downing of MH17 would do in July with respect to US sanctions. As armed squads rampaged across the country, the Russian-​Ukrainian population, threatened with the loss of political and language rights as well as economic marginalisation, then revolted in turn. The parliament of historically Russian Crimea, an unwilling part of independent Ukraine, organised a referendum to secede and, with Russian special forces protecting the vital Sebastopol naval base and other strategic assets, requested

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Roger T. Steam

an era was ending which had begun with Russell in the Crimean War. The first important British war correspondent was William Howard Russell (1820–1907) of The Times , in the Crimea. There he established the concept and credibility of the war correspondent and strong public support for them. He set the pattern for British war correspondents. Other correspondents were never as successful and honoured

in Popular imperialism and the military 1850–1950
Abstract only
J.W.M. Hichberger

directly aimed at the aristocracy who controlled the upper ranks of the army. They argued that incompetence of the kind manifested in the Crimea could be avoided if officers were selected by ability rather than by purchase. It has been argued that, far from being neutral recorders of military incompetence, Russell and the editor of The Times deliberately exaggerated conditions at the front for the benefit of

in Images of the army
James W. Peterson

was a training exercise for PfP and new alliance partners, and some of the activities took place in East Crimea. Later in the year, Operation Transcarpathia took place nearby, and both operations pricked Russia's nerves. During the next year, Operation Cooperative Partner took place in the Black Sea near Georgia. Russia approved Georgian participation, but the Russian Ministry of Defense was “bitter,” as it was rather large. Participating were 4,000 servicemen, 34 warships, and 2 submarines (Black 2004 , 239–256; Thompson 2004 , 110). By 2005 the spotlight had

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Abstract only
J.W.M. Hichberger

, preferring to let her themes ‘mature’. This may be taken to mean that she liked to wait and see how history viewed a battle before attaching her own name to it. There was, of course, a sense in which artists and writers used the military experience of the past to articulate ideas about the present. During the Boer war Butler turned back for her subject matter to the Crimea – the

in Images of the army
Russia as ‘a Europe apart’
Andrew Monaghan

issues together in April 2014, stating that ‘we were promised … that after Germany’s unification, NATO would not spread eastward’. He continued by noting that the reset did not fail because of Crimea, but much earlier, in Libya: Medvedev upheld the (UN) resolution about a ban of flights of the Libyan government air force as an act of humanitarian assistance. But in Moscow’s view, the actual result was an

in The new politics of Russia
Abstract only
Andrew Monaghan

to rally the population, shore up support and divert attention from domestic problems. This form of ‘mass mobilisation’ is often referred to as the ‘Crimea effect’. Andrei Kolesnikov, a prominent Russian journalist, has suggested it would be difficult to ‘overstate the impact that war has made on the mass consciousness of the Russian public’. He says that the leadership is promulgating a sense of permanent war in messages that entwine glorified memories of the Great Patriotic War with contemporary threats. Moscow seeks, in his view, to foster a sense of Russia as a

in Power in modern Russia