At a time when the world is faced with an unprecedented and growing number of
people being displaced around the world, scholars strive to make sense of what
appear to be constantly unfolding “crises.” These attempts, however, often
operate within niche and increasingly fragmented fields, thus making it
difficult to develop a historically nuanced and theoretically informed
understanding of how forced displacement is produced, managed, and experienced
globally and locally. To advance such an understanding, this book offers an
interdisciplinary and transnational approach to thinking about structures,
spaces, and lived experiences of displacement. This is a collective effort by
sociologists, geographers, anthropologists, political scientists, historians,
and migration studies scholars to develop new cross-regional conversations and
theoretically innovative vocabularies in the work on forced displacement. We
engage in a historical, transnational, interdisciplinary dialogue to offer
different ways of theorizing about refugees, internally displaced persons,
stateless people, and others that have been forcibly displaced. Our work opens
critical discussions of forced displacement, drawing it together with other
contemporary issues in different disciplines such as urbanization,
securitization, race, and imperialism. The book brings together different
regions and countries into dialogue with each other – from Latin America, to
sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, North America, South and Southeast Asia. The book,
while being of particular interest to scholars of forced migration, will be an
important text for those interested in studying the intersection between
displacement and contemporary political, social, and economic issues.
Re-reading Hannah Arendt to instil critical thought in the Colombian
(CODHES, 2014 ; IDMC, 2014 ). Different from many other refugee crises in the world that put certain countries temporarily on the map as ‘displacement hotspots’, the crisis in Colombia has been evolving at a slower, yet creepingly consistent pace. This trend is less characterised by spectacular displacements resulting from large-scale bombing and military campaigns – such as in Syria, Sudan, Iraq, etc. – but by the smaller scale, yet unceasing removal of people from their lands. Displacement has become such a persistent feature in society that Colombians seemingly
The temporality of dwelling for displaced Georgians
Cathrine Brun and Ragne Øwre Thorshaug
's afterlife as a Soviet era student dorm and then as a collective center continues to affect everyday lives.
Understanding protracted displacement through the dwelling
More and more refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) live outside the traditional humanitarian spaces of the camp and predominantly in urban areas. Accompanying this trend is a policy shift away from focusing on camps to increased emphasis on assisting people living in urban areas. In this context, there is a need to better understand the nature of current
studies” that were both attentive to histories of displacement and crossed disciplinary boundaries.
This book is thus a political project founded on an effort to create new avenues for theorizing about forced migration. Rather than summarizing developments around it, our aim is to encourage analyses of refugee situations that trace and compare historical trajectories of displacement and refuge, to promote interdisciplinary dialogue on the complex nature of forced migration, and to think more creatively about the processes, politics, and experiences
the 1948 displacement, in particular to one of its lesser-known chapters. With the Israel–Palestine conflict understood to be over territory, it is unsurprising that the Nakba – the term used by Palestinians to describe the 1948 expulsion, literally “the catastrophe” – itself is remembered and represented, iconically, as a flight by land. But it was also a flight by sea, a dispersal between shores by boat, a tracing of watery webs across the Mediterranean, or the “White Sea” as it is known to Arabs. Those webs remained taut and supple in voices and bodies, in the
The perils of promoting durable protection in cities of the
Caroline Wanjiku Kihato and Loren B. Landau
negotiating inclusion exists.
This chapter brings together discussions of global humanitarian norms with a perspective rooted in the politics of local governance and humanitarian action. While there is little published work explicitly discussing the role of local authorities in addressing migration or displacement in the developing world, what exists nonetheless offers considerable guidance on the degree to which states and global legal norms govern local institutions (Edwards et al., 2014 ; Kimble et al., 2012 ; Landau et
Focusing on two cases of resettlement in rural Cundinamarca, Colombia, this book examines how displaced campesinos (peasants) make sense of their displacement. The book is based on ten months of fieldwork employing ethnographic methods working, living and sharing with the displaced and the receiving populations. The book calls for a more nuanced understanding of displacement and suggests that people’s complex experiences are best understood through the prism of place, examining people’s lives both pre- and post- physical relocation. The core of the book draws on people’s narratives which are embedded in the broader socio-political and historic context of the country. These narratives depict life in violence and terror, the journeys to the current hamlets, the burden, consequences and the symbolism associated with the category desplazado (internally displaced person), the process of place negotiation between the displaced and the receiving populations who each claim their right to belonging, the challenges the displaced encounter in their attempts to tame unknown terrains, and how the nostalgic memories of the place left behind and the still present fear shape individuals’ lives. The gradual loss of place to violence and terror and subsequent process of place-making after uprooting demonstrate that displacement is not an event which starts with movement and ends with resettlement or return, but is a process whose timeframes are difficult to define.
Coinciding locales of refuge among Sahrawi refugees in North
usually end up in refugee camps in a distant local (if not as asylum seekers in hosted suspension), to be ‘managed as undesirables’ (Agier, 2011 ) with their stop-motions discursively isolated as dis(placements). Yet, wherever they are situated, refugee camps are still treated as local places of ‘bare life’ in a parochial ‘state of exception’ (Agamben, 1998 ), even though refugees have been recognised with agency ‘negotiating’ (Pasquetti, 2015 ) and circumventing external impositions of control (Kibreab, 1993 ).
Meanwhile, as the local seems to
Theorizing the fluid national and urban regimes of forced migration in
, one man called the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Bangkok office seeking help, only to be told by the officer on the line to get deported and sneak back across the border to reapply for asylum. Just as state responses to forced migration include the deployment of ad hoc, informal, and even illegal (discussed below) practices, this humanitarian actor's advice reveals a working familiarity with the blurred boundaries of formal and informal, legal and illegal, in a context without codified frameworks for managing international displacement. Such
The politics of repatriation and return in a global era of
what may be defined as the temporality–security nexus. Third, this framing, which has been deeply entrenched in the psyche and institutionalised arrangements in the West, is diffusing into host countries in the Global South. Simultaneously, by ignoring a more comprehensive approach to displacement, which would take into account structural inequities in the international system, state policies and the UNHCR, functioning within the temporality–security model have constituted a threat to refugees. Such a dynamic is not occurring in a vacuum – it is a response to the