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A theory of distributive justice for the European Union
Author: João Labareda

This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the EU in a systematic manner. The author starts by arguing that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution amongst EU citizens. Furthermore, he claims that the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency, and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity amongst member states. He contends that the responsibilities to fulfil these duties should be shared by three levels of government – local, national, and supranational. More specifically, he argues that the EU should act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity. In turn, the common market and the Eurozone should balance efficiency targets with distributive concerns. Concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU Labour Code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate, and an EU Fund for Global Competitiveness. These proposals are thoroughly examined from the standpoint of feasibility. The author argues that his proposals fit in the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies, and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of how a just Europe would look and what it takes to get us there.

Willem Maas

Free movement has been central to the European project since the introduction of mobility rights for coal and steel workers in the 1951 European Coal and Steel Community Treaty (ECSC; Treaty of Paris) and the right of EU citizens to live and work anywhere in the common territory has developed as one of the four fundamental freedoms (alongside free movement of goods, services, and capital) that undergird the Single Market (Maas 2005 , 2007 ). Since the Maastricht Treaty, these rights have been enshrined as a key element of EU citizenship, to which some have

in The European Union after Brexit
Lynn Dobson

Adonnino Report of 1985 (flag, anthem, passport covers). It was within that general interpretive context that EU citizenship was understood and intermittently debated.2 The transformations brought about at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s by the end of the Cold War, and the resulting intergovernmental conferences held to recast the EU, supplied the relevant catalysing conditions. A proposal on citizenship by the Spanish delegation3 to the 1991 IGC became the initiative around which the formulation of EU citizenship as a source of legitimation condensed.4

in Supranational Citizenship
Lynn Dobson

, springing particularly from Gewirth’s ideas of the reasonable self and the community of rights as sketched in Chapter 8, but pressed into greater complexity. These social relations are not the same as those mediated through common political institutions, but provide the conditions in which such institutional relationships may flourish. The conceptualisation of affect offered grounds socially mutualist relations sufficiently to support a consequential EU citizenship, but without seeking to supplant existing political or other affiliations, invoke spurious historical or

in Supranational Citizenship
Bryan Fanning

, they will in one crucial respect be more integrated and may constitute a significant electoral bloc. Rob Ford, a British academic expert on anti-immigrant politics, has observed that if many of the 3.5 million EU migrants had been entitled to vote, the Brexit referendum outcome would, most likely, have been different. EU citizenship in Ireland as in the UK does not come with full political rights. The kind of reciprocal arrangement that allows Irish citizens to vote in UK elections and vice versa does not extend to other EU countries. 35

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Nora Siklodi

, 2002). Against this backdrop, the EU can be viewed as an emerging political community whose identity has been – to some extent at least – shaped by various policy actors, the most important of which is the EU’s very own executive, the European Commission. However, a closer inspection of the Commission’s relevant discourse in the framework of a larger project on EU citizenship (Siklodi, 2015a) has revealed that important dissimilarities exist on what a European identity has been expected to look like, not to mention how these expectations fare compared to the actual

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
Abstract only
Lynn Dobson

Introduction Supraabove, beyond, in addition (to) (Oxford English Dictionary) Within recent memory the prospect of EU citizenship would have struck most observers as wildly speculative, and the idea of it unintelligible. The very concept of modern citizenship was so inextricably linked with that of the nation-state as to appear meaningless when decoupled from it. That nation states were the only possible repositories of citizens’ political attention, activity, and allegiance seemed self-evident. Ideas of global or supranational citizenship were, consequently

in Supranational Citizenship
João Labareda

, Miguel Maduro has even referred to the “European democratic surplus”. 41 A good illustration of this surplus was the consolidation of southern and eastern democracies. The fact that there may be tensions between EU institutions and the national governments does not per se undermine the legitimacy of the Union. As Hannah Arendt stressed, the core of democracy is not the absence of ideas and values in tension, but the belief that through such “agonic” confrontation a legitimate outcome may be achieved. 42 In turn, if the meaning of EU citizenship is far from

in Towards a just Europe
Abstract only
Lynn Dobson

Conclusion Is there a theoretically grounded conception of EU citizenship to be had, and, if so, what would be its implications vis-à-vis the current European Union? In today’s world of complex rule-making interdependence the prospects for democratically authoritative decision-making beyond state contexts depend on the sorts of responses we can come up with to these kinds of questions. Pressing the concept of citizenship very hard will not help us to do so, and neither will reliance on the models and assumptions of yesteryear. This book tried to answer that

in Supranational Citizenship
Abstract only
The problem of distributive justice in the EU
João Labareda

, and/or between member states? If so, what are these duties and under what conditions do they apply? Some conceptual clarification is in order. By “political and economic configuration”, I mean the institutional norms and practices governing the distribution of power and resources in a given territory. In the case of the EU, this includes, for instance, the EU treaties and legal principles, the coercive acts of the CJEU, the EU citizenship status, the procedures to appoint EU officials, the rules of the single market, and the monetary policy of the Eurozone

in Towards a just Europe