This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the EU in a systematic manner. The author starts by arguing that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution amongst EU citizens. Furthermore, he claims that the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency, and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity amongst member states. He contends that the responsibilities to fulfil these duties should be shared by three levels of government – local, national, and supranational. More specifically, he argues that the EU should act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity. In turn, the common market and the Eurozone should balance efficiency targets with distributive concerns. Concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU Labour Code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate, and an EU Fund for Global Competitiveness. These proposals are thoroughly examined from the standpoint of feasibility. The author argues that his proposals fit in the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies, and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of how a just Europe would look and what it takes to get us there.
expectations of a democratic peace emerging in the South Caucasus
through external efforts are justified in light of the considerable literature
on the causal links between democracy and peace and on the validity of the
theory in ‘partially democratised’ states and regions. Subsequent sections
then critically assesses the long-term prospects for EUdemocracy promotion in this part of the former Soviet Union in view of the empirical realities
at the regional and domestic levels. An additional section then examines
the prospects for the EU’s democracy promoting policies in
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
otherwise. It is also significant that there is no allocation to non-state actors
in either Chad or the CAR, and therefore no support to civil society
groups who may play a key role in democratisation processes and highlighting human rights abuses. With reference to Table 8.2, it can be
stated with confidence that democracy and human rights support constitutes a small proportion of the total ‘governance and NSA support’
in many cases.
Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and European Neighbourhood Policy
There is a degree of consensus amongst analysts that EUdemocracy
’ and the
THE EUROPEAN UNION 189
‘international’. First, however, it is necessary to examine the
context in which EU democratization must be undertaken.
Framing the issue: EUdemocracy as a quadruple
Democratization of the EU is a very complex and unusual
process. As a transnational system, the Union is unlikely
to be suited to the straightforward application of models
based on the nation-state, requiring instead innovations in
the theory and practice of democratic governance (Schmitter
2000). Additionally, reformers must recognize that the EU
discerned in the spheres of personal and cultural life.
The second section deals with the sluice gate model. Against his critics,
Habermas has argued that a demos, as generally understood, is not a precondition for EUdemocracy. Other conceptions of democracy are considered in the third section.
The siege model
The lifeworld, according to Habermas, has three
structural components: ‘culture’, ‘society’ and
‘personality’ (Habermas, 1995 : 153). In speaking of culture,
Habermas refers back to the phenomenological approaches
precondition for EUdemocracy. Other conceptions of democracy are considered in
the third section.
The siege model
The lifeworld, according to Habermas, has three structural components:
‘culture’, ‘society’ and ‘personality’ (Habermas, 1995: 153). In speaking of
culture, Habermas refers back to the phenomenological approaches of
Husserl and Schutz, where the term denotes the ‘stock of knowledge from
which participants in communication supply themselves with interpretations
as they come to an understanding about something in the world’ (Habermas,
1995: 138). Yet, he
gradual process. 28
In this sense, feelings of belonging and civic friendship have often been the outcome, rather than the origin, of a political community. For these reasons, the prospects of an EUdemocracy should not be dismissed too quickly on the grounds of a static and nation-state biased “no demos ” thesis. 29
In recent years, a number of scholarly accounts have conceptualized democracy and citizenship in a context of multiple levels of government. Amongst the existing frameworks, demoicracy and multilevel citizenship are of particular interest for my
Summary of approach
to European Union
block of EU
central to EUdemocracy
Summary of approach
to Northern Ireland
using‘ new’ themes
Diversity in unity
New model of
The management of migration between care and control
1 – 18 .
M. Kurki , ‘ Democracy Through Technocracy? Reflections on
Technocratic Assumptions in EUDemocracy Promotion
Discourse ’, Journal of
Intervention and Statebuilding , 5 : 2 ( 2011 ), p. 216 .
P. Shields , ‘ The Human Cost of