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A theory of distributive justice for the European Union
Author: João Labareda

This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the EU in a systematic manner. The author starts by arguing that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution amongst EU citizens. Furthermore, he claims that the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency, and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity amongst member states. He contends that the responsibilities to fulfil these duties should be shared by three levels of government – local, national, and supranational. More specifically, he argues that the EU should act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity. In turn, the common market and the Eurozone should balance efficiency targets with distributive concerns. Concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU Labour Code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate, and an EU Fund for Global Competitiveness. These proposals are thoroughly examined from the standpoint of feasibility. The author argues that his proposals fit in the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies, and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of how a just Europe would look and what it takes to get us there.

Meeting the challenge of internal security
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

individually lacked the capabilities to meet either. 52 The fear that terrorists would acquire and use nuclear or radiological materials generated a set of principles that created a greater EU identity than is found in the more prosaic task of epidemiological surveillance. The 2004 EU Solidarity Programme contained thirteen general guidelines defining a common policy towards the proliferation of radiological

in EU security governance
Costas Simitis

. However, it should be constructed in such a fashion that it did not merely serve the needs of the Core nations of the Union. In these Core nations it was not widely accepted that the Greek crisis raised the matter of EU solidarity. For them, the broader structure of the EMU was not at fault here; rather, Greece’s failure to adhere to the regulatory framework and to provide correct and complete economic data was the root cause. Athens presented false data and did not stick to its commitments with regard to the deficit and debt. If its behaviour went unchecked and without

in The European debt crisis
Abstract only
Tom Gallagher

develop its links with Russia in a way that undermines EU solidarity against a large and currently troublesome neighbour. In 2007, when the Kazakhstan state oil company bought a controlling share in the largest private energy company in Romania, previously owned by a long-term ally of Prime Minister Tăriceanu, the EU started to realise that events in Romania might not be going according to plan. Back in 2001, Romano Prodi, then President of the European Commission, had proclaimed: ‘Our aim is, that in a few years, Romania will become a part of Europe, economically and

in Romania and the European Union
Hard or soft?
Vivien Schmidt

the EU’s own resources, based on monetary gains of the Single Market and Single Currency, such as VAT collected in trans-border transactions. And what of an EUsolidarity tax’ levied on all citizens and residents of the EU, which would have the added advantage of building a sense of citizen-to-citizen solidarity. This, plus the financial and cross-border transaction generated taxes, might ensure that no one could claim any longer that the EU was a ‘transfer union’ in which one or more member states paid for the rest. Reforming the institutional rules For such

in The European Union after Brexit
Abstract only
Return to the West?
James W. Peterson and Jacek Lubecki

not be exaggerated – Hungarian, Czech, and Slovak ambiguity or pro-Russianness were often rhetorical, theoretical, tactical, or token, and the countries generally maintained NATO and EU solidarity on the issue of military responses (as expressed at NATO Wales and Warsaw summits) and EU sanctions against Russia. As befitting a country with a uniquely strong – as compared to its Visegrád neighbors

in Defense policies of East-Central European countries after 1989