Labour migration has become one of the hot topics in Europe, especially since 2000 with the shift from restriction to managed migration. This book provides an account of policy change over labour migration in Europe during this new era of governance. It has implications for debates about the contemporary governance of labour migration in Europe, and questions about the impact of an emergent EU migration regime in the context of a globalising labour market. The key findings offer a deeper understanding of the linkages between those engaged in policymaking and the kinds of communities that produce usable knowledge.
Based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork, French London provides rare insights into the everyday lived experience of a diverse group of French citizens who have chosen to make London home. From sixth-form students to an octogenarian divorcee, hospitality to hospital staff, and second-generation onward migrants to returnees, the individual trajectories described are disparate but connected by a ‘common-unity’ of practice. Despite most not self-identifying with a ‘community’ identity, this heterogenous migrant group are shown to share many homemaking characteristics and to enact their belonging in common ways. Whether through the contents of their kitchens, their reasons for migrating to London or their evolving attitudes to education and healthcare, participants are seen to embody a distinct form of London-Frenchness. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theories of ‘symbolic violence’ and ‘habitus’, inventively deconstructed into its component parts of habitat, habituation and habits, the book reveals how structural forces in France and early encounters with ‘otherness’ underpin mobility, and how long-term settlement is performed as a pre-reflexive process. It deploys an original blended ethnographic lens to understand the intersection between the on-land and online in contemporary mobility, providing a rich description of migrants’ material and digital habitats. With ‘Brexit’ on the horizon and participants subsequently revisited in a post-referendum Epilogue, the monograph demonstrates the appeal of London prior to 2016 and the disruption to the migrants’ identity and belonging since. It offers an unprecedented window onto the intimate lifeworlds of an under-researched diaspora at a crucial point in Britain’s history.
The Janus face of EU migration and visa policies in the neighbourhood
The EU and the European Other: the Janus
face of EUmigration and visa policies in
In 1992, as war and suffering tore through the disintegrating Yugoslavia,
‘Europe’ faced the biggest refugee and migration crisis since the Second
World War. Germany alone admitted 350,000 refugees and was processing
a further 438,000 applications. It was further estimated that around 500,000
illegal migrants entered Italy via North Africa and the Balkans (Torpey in
Andreas and Snyder, 2000: 44–45). ‘The burden on the host countries is
The limits of the EU’s external dimension of migration in Africa
Tine Van Criekinge
’ (2007: 16). Although delegation staff
are expected to engage in migration dialogue with African governments,
the challenge in effectively managing the policy lies partly in allocating
sufficient financial and human resources and time to the policy, and in
building up relevant policy expertise to handle an increasingly important
profile (Interviews Brussels, Accra, Dakar, 2008, 2009).5 EUmigration-
related programmes however are mostly managed through intermediary
agencies such as the International Organisation for Migration (IOM)
or the United Nations Development
Migrants’ squats as antithetical spaces in Athens’s City Plaza
presence is tolerated within European territory. In doing so, confinement serves to deny the decision-making agency and political capacity of migrants.
In this chapter, I investigate a specific time of migration: the im mobility – or the ‘temporality of waiting’ – of the prolonged moment during which migrants are stuck in the net of EUmigration policies (Mezzadra, 2015 ). This work aims at shedding light on practices that are at the same time against and beyond the aforementioned logic, and present themselves as ‘alternatives’ to this
The European Union (EU) is faced by the Eurozone crisis, the rise of anti-EU populism and 'Brexit'. In its immediate neighbourhood it is confronted by a range of challenges and threats. This book explores the origins of the term 'Europeanisation' and the way in which its contemporary iteration-EU-isation-has become associated with the normative power of the EU. The concept of European identity is discussed, with an indication that there are different levels of identity of which a European consciousness can be just one. An overview of different mechanisms the EU uses to promote EU-isation in the neighbourhood and a discussion on the limits of conditionality when membership is not on offer is also included. The book discusses these themes in more detail. It powerfully states the salience of Russia in establishing an alternative geopolitical pole to the EU. The presence of Russia as the Eurasian Economic Union appears to play the role of being a way of preserving traditional conservative values in contrast to the uncomfortable challenges of EU-isation. The Balkans' and Turkey's reception of EU-isation is not affected by the experience of being in-betweeners. The book examines the issue of EU-isation and the relationship between values (norms), interests and identity based on various sectors/themes which cut across different neighbours and are core elements in their relations with the EU.
The EU and labour migration
policy-making in the UK and Spain
The key questions this chapter tackles are to what extent the EU impacts
on debate over policy at the national level, how this impact is mediated
by domestic structures and what kinds of effects it has. In order to
answer these questions, the chapter first considers what might be meant
by the Europeanisation of immigration policy. This is then followed by
a brief analysis of the emerging EUmigration regime before the impact
of the EU on national policy-making in the UK and Spain is
Imagined communities in the Conservative Party’s discourse on Europe (1997– 2016)
to delay further enlargement, thus partly revising his predecessors’ stance and singling out enlargement as desirable in its own right. While other EU members oppose Turkey’s potential accession, the Conservative leader not only supports it but wants to bring it about as soon as possible. It is notable that unlike previously, the issue of internal EUmigration is left unaddressed here, when some years later, it will dominate the news and decide election outcomes UK-wide.
Cameron talked about enlargement of the European Union three times during his
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
workers’ rights. Corbyn also sought to
Centre-left parties and the European Union
address levels of corporate taxation across Europe, thereby supporting a more
outspokenly left-wing EU agenda than his predecessors.
It’s all about reform: Labour’s policies through the EU
Two core EU policy areas best illustrate Labour’s ambiguous relationship with
the EU: the euro and intra-EUmigration. Each of them will be briefly addressed
in this section. Under Tony Blair’s leadership, Labour was principally in favour
of joining the euro. However, the Labour Party’s 1997